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Presented to the 

UNIVERSITY OF TORONTO 
LIBRARY 

by the 

ONTARIO LEGISLATIVE 
LIBRARY 



1988 



THE 



LANDING AT CAPE ANNE. 



THE 



LANDING AT CAPE ANNE; 



OR 



THE CHARTER 



OF THE 

FIRST PERMANENT COLONY ON THE TERRITORY 
OF THE MASSACHUSETTS COMPANY. 

NOW DISCOVERED AND FIRST POBLISHED FROM 

€^t (Original Mannsnipt. 

WITH AN INQUIRY INTO ITS AUTHORITY AND 

A HISTORY OF THE COLONY. 

1624-1628. 
ROGER CONANT, GOVERNOR. 

BY 

JOHN WINGATE THORNTON. 

''OBSCURA PR03IENS.'^ 



BOSTON: 
GOULD AND LINCOLN 

NEW YORK: 
SHELDON, LAMPORT, AND BLAKEMAN. 

1854. 



2_S 2) 00 



Entered according to Act of Congress, in the year 1854, by 

QOTTLD AND LINCOLN, 

In the Clerk's Office of the District Court of the District of Massachusetts. 




THCB3T0N AND TORRY, PKIXTKRS. 



"Apollos watered, but Paul planted; he that begun the worke was 

THB GREATER MAN. . . . YoU SHALL H^VE MADE THIS ISLAND, [EnGLAND] 
WHICH IS BUT AS THE SUBURBS OF THE OlD WoRLD, A BRIDGE, A GaLLERY TO 

THE New ; to joyne all to that world that shall never grow old, the 

KiNGDOME OF HeAVEN. YoU SHALL ADD PERSONS TO THIS KiNGDOME, AND TO THE 
KlNGDOME OF HeAVEN, AND NAMES TO THE BoOKES OF OUR CHRONICLES, AND TO 

THE Booke OF Life." 

Dr. John Donne's Sermon to the ^'Honorable Virginian Company,'^ Nov. 13, 1622. 



**LeT it NOT BE GRIEVOUS TO YOU, THAT YOU HAVE BEEN INSTRUMENTS TO 
BREAK THE ICE FOR OTHERS WHO COME AFTER WITH LESS DIFFICULTY : THE HONOR 
SHALL BE YOURS TO THE WORLd's END." 



Letter to the Plymouth Planters. — 1623. 



•* Small things in the beginning of natural or politic bodies are as 
remarkable as greater in bodies full grown." 

Dudley's Letter to Lady Bridgett, Countess of Lincoln, March 12, 1631. 



**My hold op THE COLONIES IS IN THE CLOSE AFFECTION WHICH GROWS FROM 
COMMON NAMES, FROM KINDRED BLOOD, FROM SIMILAR PRIVILEGES AND EQUAL 

PROTECTION. These ai^e tjes which, though light as air, are as strong as 

LINKS OF IRON.*' 

Burke's Speech on Conciliation with America, 1775. 



PREFACE 



As the geologist discovers vestiges of the primitive globe and its 
inhabitants in the pebble and the fossil, as the geographer explores 
great rivers back to mountain rivulets, so the historian finds eloquent 
witnesses of former generations in crumbling monuments and obscure 
parchments, and traces national greatness to its beginning. Thus the 
incidents in the early lives of the good and great are gleaned with 
interest and veneration, and the events in the dawn of a nation's 
existence are clothed with dignity and importance, proportionate to its 
after intelligence and greatness. 

The distinct and authentic history of the planting and growth of 
the American colonies, peculiar to us, in contrast with the legendary 
and obscure origin of many nations in the Old World, has ever 
afforded satisfaction to the philosopher and historian, and whatever 
tends to its completeness, will be received with interest. 

The following pages prove that Massachusetts begins her history 
not at Salem, nor under the patronage of the organization which 
obtained the charter of March, Anno 1627-8, but in the spring of 
the year 1624, at Cape Anne, where the colony was established 
under the authority of this her first charter the very initial of her 
annals — now first presented to the public. 

It is venerable, as the historical foundation of the Society or State, 
which, continuing under various charters and titles, in the year 1780, 
adopted the name of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 



Vlll PREFACE. 

It is remarkable as guaranteeing the principles of free government 
vindicated in the Revolutionary struggle ; that the government is of, 
from and for the individual, the people, the body politic, and not 
they for the government. From the recognition or denial of this 
principle, results freedom, or despotism. 

This venerable instrument opens to the mind a vision of the past, 
and in the quiet depths of thought, those obscure but mighty men, 
now men of renown, rise from their tombs ; and we feel as it were 
that our lives are united with theirs, while we study the privileges 
that encouraged their hearts, lighted their future with hope, and 
supported their onward steps. This tract relates to the first colonial 
lustre — the period commenced under the authority of this, the first* 
or Cape Anne charter, and embraced in the years 1624 to 1629. 

The parchment was in the possession of the Hon. Paul Dudley, 
F. R. S., Chief Justice of Massachusetts, son of the younger Governor 
Dudley, who may have received it from his father. Gov. Thomas 
Dudley. The narrative, written more than a year since, has been 
enlarged, developing more fully the authority on which the char- 
ter was issued. 

My thanks are due to Rev. Joseph B. Felt, for his aid and for 
valuable original documents in the Appendix. Several of the scarce 
works cited^ were from the library of my friend, Charles Deane, Esq., 
whose familiarity with this period of American history, has been 
of much service in editing the charter. 

J. WINGATE THORNTON. 

Boston, October, 1854. 



CONTENTS 



CHAPTEE I. 

RIGHT BY DISCOVERY EARLY VOYAGES COLONIES PROJECTED 

UNSUCCESSFUL THE VIRGINIA COMPANY CREATED 1606 KING 

JAMES' ILL BEHAVIOR VIEWS OF THE ADVENTURERS. . 1-7 



CHAPTER II. 

REASONS FOR CREATING A NEW COMPANY THE PLYBIOUTH COUNCIL 

INCORPORATED IN 1620 ITS POWERS ITS POLITICAL IMPOR- 
TANCE PARLIAMENTARY DIFFICULTIES PROPOSED DIVISION OF 

TERRITORY AMONG THE PATENTEES PLAN OF DIVISION PRO- 
PRIETORS' NAMES ROYAL SANCTION OBTAINED LORD SHEFFEILD's 

TITLE 8-16 



CHAPTER III. 

WRIOTHESLEY, EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON, THE PATRON OF BARTHOLO- 
MEW GOSNOLD GOSNOLD SAILS FOR NORTH VIRGINIA, IN MAY, 

1602 DISCOVERS CAPE ANNE NAMES CAPE COD VISITS MAR- 

fI?A's VINEYARD — BUILDS A FORT AT ELIZABETH'S ISLAND CAPr 

b 



CONTENTS. 

TAIN JOHN SMITH VISITS AND NAMES NEW ENGLAND, IN 1614 

MASSACHUSETTS ESTEEMED A PARADISE IT IS VISITED BY THE 

PLYMOUTH COLONISTS SOME OF THE COLONISTS REMOVE TO 

NANTASKET ROGER CONANT BAD CONDUCT AND DISGRACE OF 

LYFORD AND OLDHAM 17-27 



CHAPTER IV. 

PLYMOUTH COLONY SENDS WINSLOW AS AGENT TO ENGLAND FAME 

OF THE COLONY IN ENGLAND REV. JOHN "WHITE OF DORCHESTER. 

LORD SHEFFEILD BECOMES INTERESTED GRANTS A PATENT FOR 

CAPE ANNE COPY OF THE CHARTER CAPE ANNE OCCUPIED 

FAILURE OF EFFORTS AT CAPE ANNE DISAFFECTION OF THE LONDON 

MERCHANT ADVENTURERS LEVETT's ACCOUNT OF PLYMOUTH AND 

CAPE ANNE IN 1624 28-38 



CHAPTEE V. 



PURITANISM IN ENGLAND BISHOP LAKE AND REV. JOHN WHITE FAVOR 

NEW ENGLAND REASONS FOR COLONIZING THE DORCHESTER COM- 
PANY THEY ESTABLISH A COLONY AT CAPE ANNE UNDER THE SHEF- 
FEILD CHARTER ROGER CONANT APPOINTED GOVERNOR HOSTILITY 

OF LONDON MERCHANTS THEIR AGENT HEWES MAKES REPRISALS OF 

PLYMOUTH PROPERTY AT CAPE ANNE GOVERNOR CONANT EFFECTS 

PEACE 39-47 



CHAPTER VI 



REVERSES AT CAPE ANNE LOSSES THE MERCHANTS ABANDON THE 

COLONY THE COLONY PURGED OF ITS WORTHLESS ME3IBERS 

GOV. CONANT PREVENTS ITS DISSOLUTION THE COLONY REMOVED 

TO NAUMKEAG INDIAN HOSPITALITY GOV. CONANT's FIRMNESS 

SAVES THE COLONY JOHN WOODBERY SENT AS AGENT TO ENG- 
LAND 48-53 



CONTENTS. XI 



CHAPTER VII. 

THE COLONY IN 1627 GOV. CONANt's CHARACTER AND SERVICES 

WOODBERY's MISSION TO ENGLAND FINDS MEMBERS OF THE OLD 

DORCHESTER COMPANY A NEW COMPANY ORGANIZED A PATENT 

OBTAINED THOMAS DUDLEY, ESQ. AND HIS FRIENDS BECOME INTER- 
ESTED THE COMPANY HAD NO DEFINITE NAME HUMBLE BEGIN- 
NING OF THE STATE RECORDS WOODBERY'S RETURN TO THE COL- 
ONY CHARACTER OF THE COMPANY IN ENGLAND JOHN ENDECOTT 

ARRIVES AT SALEM AND SUPERSEDES CONANT NEW IMPULSE TO 

COLONIZATION 54-60 



CHAPTER VIII 



REASONS FOR OBTAINING THE KING S AFFIRMATION OF THE PATENT 

DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE COMPANY IN ENGLAND AND THE 

COLONY CRADOCK NOT GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY CHARTER 

SENT TO ENDECOTT — -UNION OF THE OLD AND NEW PLANTERS 

NAMES OF THE PIONEERS DISPUTES BETWEEN THE OLD AND NEW 

COLONISTS DANGERS OF THE COLONY OLDHAM's INTRIGUES 

gorges' CONFLICTING PATENT GOVERNOR CONANT RESTORES PEACE 

INJUSTICE TO CONANT AND HIS ASSOCIATES ALLEVIATING CON- 
SIDERATIONS CHARACTERS OF CONANT AND ENDECOTT COMPANY'S 

VINDICATION HARDSHIPS OF THE OLD PLANTERS. . . 61-68 



CHAPTER IX 



RECAPITULATION — THE HISTORICAL IDENTITY OF THE COLONY SERIES 

OF GOVERNORS AND CHARTERS CHARACTER OF THE NEW ENGLAND 

COLONISTS THE FATHERS QUOTED NEW ENGLAND SETTLED BY 

FUGITIVES FROM OPPRESSION PRELACY DRIVEN FROM PLYMOUTH 

AND FROM SALEM ITS BANISHMENT NECESSARY TO THEIR SELF- 
PRESERVATION — VIEWS OF THE FOUNDERS OF NEW ENGLAND 

TOLERATION NOT PROFESSED DANGER FROM POPERY THE PURI- 
TANS ESTABLISHED THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND THE AMERICAN 
REPUBLIC . 61) - 76 



Xll CONTENTS, 



APPENDIX. 



I. Notice of lord Sheffield 77 

II. Deposition of richard brackenbury 79 

III. Deposition of william dixy .81 

IV. Deposition of Humphry woodbery 81 

V. John j. babson, esq , on the locality of the colony at 

cape ANNE 83 



THE 



LANDING AT CAPE ANNE 



CHAPTEE I. 

RIGHT BY DISCOVERY — EARLY VOYAGES COLONIES PROJECTED 

UNSUCCESSFUL THE VIRGINIA COMPANY CREATED 1606 KING 

JAMES's ILL BEHAVIOR VIEWS OF THE ADVENTURERS. 

A GLANCE at the earlier attempts at northern coloni- 
zation, and the several divisions and grants of the 
American coast, will show the proximate sources of 
authority whence the charter of Cape Anne was de- 
rived. 

Upon the discovery of America, the European govern- 
ments established the principle that 

** All a man sail'd by or saw was his own ; " 

that the nation discovering the territory should have 
the exclusive right to acquire the soil from the natives, 
which title might be consummated by possession.^ 

Under this international law, Henry VII. on the fifth 
of March, in the year 1496, authorized^ John Cabot and 

^ Chief Justice Marshall's opinion in Johnson v. IM'Intosh, — a historical summary, 
"so clear and exact," that Judge Story adopted it as the preliminary chapter, 
(§§ 9 to 38,) of his " Commentaries on the Constitution." Wheaton's " Elements 
of International Law," ch. iv. §§ 1-5. 

2 Rymer's Foedera, xii. folios 595, 596, contains this first English patent for dis- 
covery. 

1 



2 CABOT's FIKST VOYAGE TO AMERICA. 

his sons Lewis, Sebastian, and Sancius, to sail under the 
English banners to the East, the West, and the North, to 
seek out lands unknown to any Christian people. In 
the next year, on the twenty-fourth of June, about five 
of the clock, early in the morning, Sebastian Cabot, in 
the ship "Matthew" of Bristol,^ first touched the shores 
of America, and in that voyage he acquired for England, 
by the right of discovery, her title to all that territory 
between the point of his first landing, in the thirty-eighth 
degree of north latitude, southward to sixty-seventh de- 
gree.^ A poet of the day thus alludes to it : — 

" What an honorable thynge, 
Both to the Realrae and to the Kynge, 
To have had his domyuyon extendynge 
There into so far a grounde 
Whiche the noble Kynge of late memory. 
The most wyse prynce the VII. Kerry 
Caused furst to be founde." ^ 

A second patent to John Cabot, from Henry VII. issued 
on the third of February, in the year 1498, permitted 
him to transport such of his majesty's subjects as might, 
in the language of the patent, " of their owen free will 
goo and passe with him," " to the londe and isles of late 
found." Three hundred men embarked in this ex- 
pedition, whose object was to find out " what manner of 
landes those Indies* were to inhabite." The particulars 

' The name of the other vessel is not recorded. They sailed from the port of 
Bristol. Curry'sHist. of Bristol, 1816, i. 213. 

2 " The ancient discoveries, contracts, and agreements, which our Englishmen have 
long since made in those parts, together with the acknowledgement of the histories 
and chronicles of other nations who profess the land of America from the Cape de 
Florida unto the Bay of Canada (which is south and north three hundred leagues 
and upwards ; and east and west further than hath yet been discovered) is proper 
to the King of England." Mourt's Kelation, 1622. 

3 Quoted in Blddle's Memoir of Sebastian Cabot. London, 1832 ; 2d ed., p. 77, 
note. 

^ The '* West Indies" once designated the whole of America. Herrera treats 
*♦ of the vast Continent and Islands of America, commonly called the West Indies." 



CABOT, RALEIGH. GILBERT. 6 

of this voyage are not preserved. It certainly was un- 
successful, but is memorable as England's first attempt 
in the mission of civilization to America. 

Thus it seems that Cabot, who ranks second only to 
Columbus, has the honor of being the first Englishman 
who projected settlements in America, an historical 
dignity sometimes assigned to Sir Walter Raleigh, but 
oftener and nearer the truth, yet erroneously, to Sir Hum- 
phrey Gilbert,^ who has been styled the " Father of North- 
ern and North- Western Civilization." This precedence 
belongs to Cabot, though his projects were unsuccessful.^ 
Settlements of briefs duration were effected by Gilbert 
and Raleigh. 

After nearly a century of public apathy, the English 
mind was again directed to the Western world. The 
British Constitution vests all vacant lands exclusively in 
the sovereign, whose sole prerogative* it is to dispose of 
them to whom and on such conditions as the monarch 
thinks best. In the exercise of this prerogative, in the 
year 1578, on the eleventh of June, Queen Elizabeth 
gave to the illustrious knight. Sir Humphrey Gilbert, 
authority^ to discover any territory not occupied by any 



India is supposed to be modified from Hindoo y whose land Hindoslan^ the East, 
Columbus supposed he had reached when he discovered America. 

1 Holmes' Annals, i. 92, 100, 155 ; N. Eng. Hist. Gen. Reg., July, 1850, 
226, 227. 

2 Cabot's second patent was first published in Biddle's *' Memoir of Sebastian 
Cabot," to which I am much indebted. I commend it to the student's special 
attention as a very able critical examination of the authorities on the history of 
maritime discovery. Holmes' Annals, i. note vi. 96, 97, 104, 105. There is a 
learned review of the volume in the Appendix to Harper's Family Library, 
No. 53. 

3 Mr. Nicholas Thome, a Bristol merchant, in 1526, sent an invoice of armor 
and merchandise to T. Tison, factor of a commercial settlement in the West Indies. 
Holmes' Annals, i. 57.^ 

'^ Johnson v. M'Intosh ; 8 Wheaton's U. S. Rep. 
^ The patent is in Stith's History of Virginia, p. 4. 



* NEW FOUNDLAND. THE LONDON COMPANY. 

Christian power, and to grant it, according to the laws 
of England, to such of her majesty's subjects, as he 
might induce to remove thither. Failing at the outset 
of his first voyage, which involved him in debt, he sailed 
from the port of Plymouth in Devonshire, and on the 
fifth of August took possession of the port of St. John 
in New Foundland, and the adjacent parts, for the 
English crown.-^ Thus a period of nearly three genera- 
tions intervened between the first and second attempts of 
the English to colonize America. Sir Humphrey being 
lost at sea, his patent was renewed to his brother, Sir 
Walter Kaleigh, the founder of Virginia. These illus- 
trious men, Cabot, Gilbert, and Raleigh were the founders 
of the naval and commercial grandeur of England. 

The titles under the before mentioned grants or patents 
from the English sovereign, having by forfeiture or 
the default of the patentees reverted to the crown, the 
monarch, James I. in the year 1606, created the first 
corporate association for colonizing America, authorizing 
two councils ^ of control, of the first of which most of the 
members resided in London, and of the second, chiefly in 
Plymouth. Three years after, the former council re- 
ceived a new charter of incorporation by the name of 
" The Treasurer and Company of Adventurers and Plan- 
ters of the City of London for the first Colony in 
Virginia," the name then given to nearly the whole 
coast.^ The first council projected settlements in the 
southern portion of the territory, and was popularly 



* Holmes' American Annals, i. 95-101. 

2 Two companies are sometimes spoken of, but improperly, as thej had but one 
patent, creating one company, acting under two councils. 

3 The Plymouth colonists in their compact, 1620, said they bad up^ertakpn ^* to 
plant the first colony in the northern parts of Virginia.*^ 



SIR THOMAS SMITH. SIR EDWIN SANDYS. O 

known as the South Virginia Company. Among its 
members were some of the king's courtiers, and in the 
illegal and arbitrary exercise of the royal power in their 
favor, he excited a spirit of mutual hostility between 
himself and the company,^ the more irritating, as every 
resistance to his despotic interference became politically 
important. 

An incident illustrative of this is here worthy of 
notice, as one of the difficulties which determined ^ the 
royal mind in favor of the new organization of the 
northern colonial interests in 1620. 

By their charter the Virginia Company had the right 
to choose their officers. Sir Edwin Sandys, their treas- 
urer in the year 1619, was the first in the list of 
candidates for that office in the next year. After the 
nomination of Sandys, and as they were proceeding to 
the election, a message was received from the king, that 
it was his "pleasure not to have Sir Edwin Sandys 
chosen, and nominating for the office Sir Thomas Smith, 
and one or two others, one of whom they might elect." 
Smith was a royal favorite. He was appointed Treasurer 
by the king at the organization of the company, and 
held the office till being " notoriously ^ infamous and 
utterly detested and cursed by the whole company" for 
his peculations and malfeasance in their affairs, he was 
superseded by Sandys. Upon this. Sir Edwin* withdrew 

» Stith's Hist, of Virginia, 168-170, 178, 179. 

2 Spanish influence was the true cause of James's conduct. Peckard's Life of 
Ferrar, 85, 89-168. 

3 Stith's Hist, of Virginia, 178, 182, 185, 186 ; Peckard's Life of Ferrar. A 
portrait of Smith is in Thane's British Autography, i. 27. 

"* Soon after Sir Edwin, " being found too daring and factious in Parliament," was 
placed under arrest by the king, for a month. He was the second son of Edwin 
Sandys, Archbishop of York, was Prebend of York, 1581, knighted in 1603, 
author of "A View of the State Religion in the Western Quarter of the World," 
1629, and died at Northbourn, Kent, in October, 1G2U. This family was friendly 



O SOUTHAMPTON. MOTIVES TO COLONIZATION. 

his name, and the company, consisting of nearly five 
hundred persons, proceeded to ballot, when of the king's 
candidates, it was found that one of them had only one 
ball and the other two, while Henry, the Earl of South- 
ampton, who was not the king's nominee, and no less 
odious to him than Sandys, had all the rest. The suc- 
cessful candidate was one of the most influential patriots 
in the House of Lords. 

That distinguished pioneer and most ardent friend of 
colonization. Captain John Smith, said, "I am not so 
simple as to think that ever any other motive than 
wealth will ever erect there a commonwealth, or draw 
company from their ease and humors at home." ^ The 
expectations of those engaged in the earlier attempts to 
colonize America, were almost as irrational as those 
cherished a century later by the adventurers in the 
South Sea Bubble or the Mississippi Scheme. Sudden 
and extraordinary profits were looked for, and golden 
visions allured men of all ranks ! Among the adven- 
turers and patentees were many of the great peers of the 
realm, of the most eminent knights, gentlemen and 
wealthy merchants ; men of almost every degree of 
nobility, and of every profession and occupation, from the 
merchant to the humblest artisan, are named in the 
charter. 



to the Pilgrims. John Robinson's "Works, 1851, i. xxii., xxxix.; Hunter's Tract. 
"The Court and Times of James the First," London, 1848, 2 vols., contains inter- 
esting cotemporary notices of Sandys j in vol. i. 61, 314, 320, 325 ; in vol. ii. 222, 
224, 238, 252, 258, 261, 266, 412, 444. 

1 Shakspeare's " Comedy of Errors," written probably about 1591, and printed 
in 1623, hands down the popular impression oi America, the "form and pressure 
of the time." Dromio describes Nell's form as " spherical, like a globe," so that 
*'he could find out countries in her." Antipholus inquires *' Where's America? 
the Indies ? " Dromio replies, "Oh, sir, upon her nose, all o'er embellish'd with 
rubies, carbuncles, sapphires, declining their rich aspect to the hot breath of Spain, 
who sent whole arraadoes of carracks to be ballasted at her nose." 



DISAPPOINTMENTS. SIR FERDINANDO GORGES. I 

The brothers, Sir Humphrey Gilbert and Sir Walter 
Haleigh, and their kindred, Chief Justice Popham, Sir 
Ferdinando Gorges, and their families, and others, had 
pursued the design of colonizing these Western Atlantic 
coasts, with a perseverance and assiduity worthy of better 
success. 

Extravagant hopes,^ the charms of title and office,^ the 
allurements of gain, well supplied ships, plentiful stores 
for the colonists, and all the appliances of wealth and 
power combined, yet proved ineffectual in their attempts; 
death removed some of the most zealous and influential 
patrons, and disappointment waited on every effort. 

But there was one who would not yield, and who, 
during these disastrous years, with untiring diligence and 
labor, collected from every source information respecting 
the geography, climate, productions, and inhabitants of 
the new world; and this only suggested bolder views 
and stimulated him to more comprehensive measures. 
Next to Sir Humphrey Gilbert, Sir Ferdinando Gorges 
stands out the most conspicuous in the history of northern 
colonization. 



1 Stith's Virginia, 43, 77, 81, 82, 101, 149 ; Smith's Description of New Eng- 
land, 1616, p. 1; Smith's Virginia, ii. 178, 239. "The destruction of most 
plantations hath been the base and hasty drawing of profits in the first years." 
Bacon, ♦' Of Plantations." 

2 *« Captain-General, Lieuteuant-General, Admiral, High Marshal, General of 
Horse, were among the offices conferred in 1609 ; and the like ambitious titles 
were given by the Northern Company." Belknap's Amer. Biog. ii. 99, 154; Stith, 
101, 137; «' Brief Relation" of the Council, Mass. Hist. Coll., xix. 21, 23. 



CHAPTER II 



REASONS FOR CREATING A NEW COMPANY THE PLYMOUTH COUNCIL 

INCORPORATED IN 1620 ITS POWERS ITS POLITICAL IMPOR- 
TANCE — PARLIAMENTARY DIFFICULTIES PROPOSED DIVISION OF 

TERRITORY AMONG THE PATENTEES PLAN OF DIVISION PRO- 
PRIETORS' NAMES ROYAL SANCTION OBTAINED LORD SHEFFEILD's 

TITLE. 

Differences ^ having arisen between the councils of 
Northern and Southern Virginia, Sir Ferdinando turned 
the royal dissatisfaction to the service of the North. Ir- 
ritated against the London Company, by their election of 
the Earl of Southampton, as their treasurer, in bold de- 
fiance of his will, the jealous monarch was not unwilling 
to promote a rival to the refractory company,^ and readily 

^ See '* order in council on the difference between the Northern and Southern 
Plantations," June 18, 1621, and another, Sept. 28, 1621, "relative to encroach- 
ments on the grant to the New England Company," both published in ''Docu- 
ments " of " Colonial History of New York," 185o, vol. iii. pp. 4, 5. \ 

2 Nor was his revenge — steadily pursued under the forms of law — consummated 
until full four years had passed. One of Sir Thomas Wentworth's newsmongers, 
Mr. Wendesford, wrote to him on the 17th of June, 1624, " Yesterday Virginia pa- 
tent was overthrown at King's Bench, so an end of that plantation's saving. Me- 
thinks I imagine the fraternity have before this had a meeting of comfort and 
consolation, stirring up each other to bear it courageously, and Sir Edwin Sandys 
in the midst of them, sadly sighing forth. Oh! the burden of Virginia!" Straf- 
ford Papers, i. 21. Nicholas Ferrar caused a certified copy of the records to be 
made; Stith says that they hand down " the full conviction of King James' arbitra- 
ry and oppressive proceedings against the company, and of his having acted with 
such mean arts and frauds, and such little tricking, as h-ghly misbecoming majes- 
ty." Hist, of Virginia, vi. vii. The secret of James' hostility was the Spanish 
jealousy and intrigue, through Gondomar, the Spanish ambassador, whose influence 
over the king was almost absolute. This appears in Peckard's Life of Ferrar, 
Cambridge, 1791, pp. 85, 89-168, a work indispensable to the history of that 
company. Read also note 1, p. 101, vol. i. Holmes' Annals. 



THE PLYMOUTH COUNCIL, ITS OBJECTS, ETC. >) 

listened to the suggestions of his " trusty and well-beloved 
servant, Sir Ferdinando Gorges, Knight, Captain of our 
Fort and Island by Plymouth, and by certain, the princi- 
pal knights and gentlemen adventurers " of the second 
colony, who had lost much " in seeking to lay the foun- 
dation of a hopeful plantation," ^ and had also taken ac- 
tual possession of that territory " to his name and use as 
Sovereign Lord thereof" They assured him that there 
were no subjects of any other Christian power having any 
title or possession in America, between the fortieth and for- 
ty-eighth degrees of north latitude, and that the country had 
been recently nearly depopulated by a wonderful plague. 
" Thankful for the divine favor of this prior discovery 
and occupancy," and for an opportunity for the " conver- 
sion of such savages ^ as remained wandering in desolation 
and distress, to civil society and Christian religion," and 
probably not less grateful for a plea for enlarging his do- 
minions, his majesty granted the absolute property of that 
vast territory, extending from sea to sea, to Gorges and 
his associates, whom he incorporated under the title of 
" The council established at Plymouth, in the county of 
Devon, for the planting, ruling, ordering, and governing 
of New England, in America." 

The order for the patent was issued by the king in coun- 
cil, on the third of November, in the year 1620. It was 
passed under the great seal, on the third of July following, 

^ The old term for Colonies. Bacon's Essays, " Of Plantations," xxxiii. In the 
*' Tempest," 1623, act 2, scene i., " Plantations of this Isle j " so used by Milton, 
about 1650. Prose works, Boha's edition, 341, 344, 345, 347, and in the state pa- 
pers generally. 

^This was generally assigned in the early charters, as a prominent design; it 
was in the Virginia charter. The enemies of the Puritans often reproach them 
with delay and indifference in the work of civilizing and Christianizing the In- 
dians, but if this were just, which it is not, the charge comes with an ill grace 
from those who prefer it. What colony out of New England can show an Eliot, 
a Mayhew, a Brainard, or a Kirkland ? 
2 



10 VIRGINIA COMPANY. 

and was the only ^ civil basis ^ of all the subsequent pa- 
tents and plantations which divided this country. 

This charter conferred the usual powers of corporations, 
and special authority to make laws and ordinances ; to dis- 
pose of their lands ; to appoint and remove governors and 
other officers of the plantations ; to establish all manner of 
order, laws, and directions, instructions, forms, and cere- 
monies of government and magistracy, not contrary to the 
laws of England ; to rule all inhabitants of the colony by 
such laws and ordinances, and, in cases of necessity, ac- 
cording to the good discretion of their governors and 
officers respectively, in capital, criminal, or civil cases, as 
near as conveniently might be agreeably to the laws of 
England. The charter further gave extraordinary powers 
as in cases of rebellions and hostile invasions. 

By this movement the infatuated and unwary king 
opened a new source of complaints against himself, for no 
sooner had the patent been executed, than the members 
of the London, or Virginian Company, took various ex- 
ceptions to it, ^ and their objections were willingly enter- 
tained by the patriots in both Houses of Parliament, 
between whom and the king were gathering the contro- 
versies, which were bequeathed by James to his son 
Charles — a fatal legacy. 

It is remarkable that, under this charter, the creature 
of absolutism, and intended as one of its supports, grew 
up those colonies which were the very nurseries of re- 



i Except De Mont's, from Henry IV. of France, 1G03; Haliburton's Nova Sco- 
tia, i. 11 -29; Hazard's Hist. Coll. i. 45. 

2 Belknap's Hist, of New Hampshire, ed. 1831, p. 3; Holmes' Annals, i. 164. 

2 The Patent for New England was the first named in the list of *' Publick 
Grievances of the Kingdome." See also the "Declaration" in Mass. Hist. Coll. 
xix. ; Purchas' Pilgrims, iv. 1827 - 18323 Hazard, i. 390. 



MONOPOLIES. OPPOSED BY PARLIAMENT. 11 

ligious and civil liberty, affording refuge and security even 
to the regicides. ^ 

While the injustice of the king toward the Virginia 
Company gained for it the popular favor, ^ his rigid en- 
forcement of the most odious exclusive privileges ^ of the 
New England Company, was to the latter a prolific source 
of legal and parliamentary difficulties and popular dislike, 
seriously embarrassed its proceedings at home, impaired its 
authority in the colonies, and ultimately led to the sur- 
render of the royal patent, in the year 1635.^ 

Among the reasons assigned by the council for the 
resignation of their charter, they said that, " At home 
they were assaulted with sharp litigious questions before 
the Lords of his Majesty's most Honorable Privy Coun- 
cil, by the Virginian Company, and that in the very in- 
fancy thereof, who finding they could not prevail in that 
way, they failed not to prosecute the same in the House 
of Parliament, pretending our said Plantation to be a 
grievance to the Commonwealth, and for such presented 
it unto King James of blessed memory, who, although 
his justice and royal nature could [not] so relish it, but 

J President Stiles' History of Whalley, Goffe and Dixwell. Hartford, 1794. 

2 Even the king's favorite Dean of St. Paul's, Dr. John Donne, preached a ser- 
mon before "the Honorable Company of the Virginian Plantation, 13th Novem- 
ber, 1G22," commending it to the public favor. This discourse is omitted in the 
folio collection of his sermons. 

3 As, a monopoly of fishing and curing fish, or of cutting timber and wood for the 
use of the fishing vessels on the New England shores; but the Virginia Company 
was not less grasping in its claims; indeed their similar claims furnished an argu- 
ment for the creation of the N. E. Company. The charter of the Northern Company 
recites that one of the reasons for its incorporation was the '* differences between 
themselves, and those of the said first colony." I suppose this was a principal 
procuring cause of the enactment of the Statute of Monopolies, 21 James, 1623. 
Gorges' Brief Kelation, pp. 11, 12, 14. It is a curious fact, that to exclude all in- 
truders, the Massachusetts Company voted, July 28, 1629, to solicit the king to 
renew the proclamation of Nov. 6, 1622, enforcing the monopolies. 

* Commons' Journals, 1, 673, 688; Gorges' Brief Narration, chap. xvi. in Maine 
Hist. Coll. ii. 31, 32; Jlymer's Feed. xvii. 416, 490. 



12 CONFLICT OF GRANTS. DIVISION OF TERRITORY. 

was otherwise pleased to give his gracious encourage- 
ment, for prosecution thereof, yet such Avas the times, 
as the affections of the multitude were thereby dis- 
heartened." ^ 

These facts furnish some apology for the loose and im- 
methodical transactions of the company, and, in a degree, 
for the confusion and conflict of their grants. This sub- 
ject has been involved in deep obscurity. Dr. Belknap 
says, " That either from the jarring interests of the mem- 
bers, or their indistinct knowledge of the country, or their 
inattention to business, or some other cause which does 
not fully appear, their affairs were transacted in a con- 
fused manner from the beginning, and the grants which 
they made were so inaccurately described, and interfered 
so much with each other, as to occasion difficulties and 
controversies, some of which are not yet [1784] ended. 

As the collisions with the Virginia Company, the ele- 
ments of political discord involved in the granting of this 
charter, and the direct attacks of the House of Commons, 
discouraged any considerable action of the council in their 
corporate capacity, they perhaps sought to avoid this by a 
division of the territory among the individual members, 
with all the incidental privileges requisite to the estab- 
lishment and government of colonies. 

Though the charter created a corporation, one of its 
provisions seems to have contemplated, at the option of 
the patentees, a division of the territory " as well among 
Adventurers as Planters," reserving merely a general su- 
pervisory authority in the council. They were authorized 
from time to time, under their common seal, to distribute 
among themselves or others, the lands " by these presents 

^ This important pappr is in Hazard's Hist. Coll. i. 390. Compare it with the 
'' Brief Relation," 1622, in Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 



POAVER OF GOVERNMENT CLAIMED. 13 

formerly granted unto each our loving subjects." This 
was to be done by the company " upon a commission of 
survey and distribution executed and returned for that 
purpose," respect being " had as well to the proportion^ of 
the adventurers, as to the special service, hazard, exploit, 
or merit of any person so to be recompensed, advanced, 
or rewarded." 

Preliminary to a division, they, in the year 1622,^ pub- 
lished and dedicated to Prince Charles, their proposed 
" Platform of the government and division of the territo- 
ries in general." In this they assumed to hold under the 
royal patent, a relation to the American territory, and 
proposed colonies, like that of the king to his dominions. 
Adopting the language of sovereignty, they resolved " that 
of this our realm, two parts ^ of the whole territory is to 
be divided between the patentees into several counties, to 
be by themselves or their friends planted at their pleasure 
or best commodity." These were to be subdivided into 
baronies, hundreds, cities or towns, as might be deemed 
expedient. Their deputies convened in general assembly, 
by the order of the council, might enact laws, subject to 
the approval of the council, who were " to give life to the 
laws so to be made as to those to whom of right it best 
belongs,"* according to his majesty's royal grant in that 



* Some of them agreed, in ]G22, " to disburse a hundred pounds apiece." IMass. 
Hist. Coll. xix. 13. Four years before, in 1618, the Virginia Company directed a 
division of the Somer Isles, — a share to every adventurer. Smith's General His- 
toric, Book 5, pp. 187, 189. 

^ After "almost two years" of disputes with their enemies. Mass. Hist. Soc. 
xix. 12. 

3 The other third part " to be reserved for publlck uses," Mass. Hist. Coll. xix. 
1, 2, 3, 11-15. 

* That the Massachusetts Colony ''wholly excluded themselves from y'= publick 
government of y^ council authoi^ized for those affairs and made y"'selves a free 
people, and for such hold themselves at y'^ present," was one of the reasons for the 
resignation of the patent, in 1635. Hazard, i. 390, 3l»2. 



14 



PORTIONS AND NAMES OF PROPRIETORS. 



behalf:" and further, these "lords of counties may of 
themselves subdivide their said counties into manors and 
lordships, as to them shall seem best." They also de- 
clared, that cities and inferior towns " shall be incorporate 
and made bodies politic to govern their affairs and peo- 
ple." 

The king tacitly approved of this scheme. Captain 
John Smith, the first topographer of the New England 
coast, says in his " Generall Historic," published in the 
year 1624, that it was " at last engrossed by twenty ^ pat- 
tentees, that divided my map into twenty parts and cast 
lots for their shares." It affords ' curious evidence of the 
interest felt respecting this country among geographers 
and men of science, at that early period, that in the 
fourth volume of Puchas' " Pilgrims," published only a 
few months afterwards, is a map of New England, repre- 
senting this distribution of the territory, and showing 
portions and names of the several proprietors; a fact 
creditable to the author's diligence and accuracy. The 
map, a fac-simile of a portion of which is here given, 
suggests, at a glance, their very imperfect knowledge of 
the country, and how imaginary were the lines of this 
territorial division. 

The names on the map are in the following order, 
beginning at the north-east, the abbreviations being omit- 
ted. 

[Thomas] Earl of Arundel, Lord Keeper, 

Sir Ferdinando Gorges,^ Sir William Belasis, 

Earl of Carlile, Sir Ro. Mansell, 



1 Many of the patentees '* quitted their interests " during the troubles in Par- 
liament. Gorges, chap. xxi. 

2 Sir Ferdinando Gorges' life and services haA-e been commemorated by the Hon. 
George Folsoni, in his Discourse before the Maine Historical Society, Sept. 6, 1846, 
published in their collections, vol. ii. pp. 3-79. 



iHlll 




THE KING APPROVES. CHARLES P^'^ PLAN. 15 

Earl of Holderness, [Robert] Earl of Warwick,^ 

[WiLLiABi] Earl OF Pembrock, Duke of Richmond,^ 
[EDMUND] Lord SHEFFEILD, Mr. [Abram] Jewnings, 
SirHe. Spelman, Dr. [Mathew] Sutcliffe, 

Sir Will. Apsley, [Dean of Exeter,] 

Captain Loue, [Edward] Lord Gorges, 

[George] Duke of Buckingham, Sir Sam. Argall, 
Dr. Bar. Gooch. 

However liberal, or even extravagant, their interpre- 
tation of the charter may have been, all exceptions ^ to 
these proceedings were precluded, when on the third of 
February, 1624-5, in the presence of King James, the 
patentees of the council of New England " had their 
portion assigned unto them by lot, with his Highness' 
approbation, upon the sea-coast, from east to west, some 
eighty and one hundred leagues long.^ " The liing died 
soon after, and his son, Charles I. on the thirteenth of 
the next May, issued a proclamation'^ that, to the end 
there might be one uniform course of government through 
all his dominions, the government of the colonies should 
depend immediately on himself, and not be committed to 
any company or corporation whatever. Probably this 
was a plan devised by the high church party, to frustrate 



^ The Earl of "Warwick's nephew, Capt. Thomas Cammock, was the founder of 
the town of Scarborough, Maine. Maine Hist. Coll. iii. 

-It is not improbable that " Richmond's Island," on the coast of 3'Iaine, derived 
its name from the Duke of Richmond, who, in -virtue of this allotment, may have 
given a patent, or verbal right of occupo^tion there, and from its narrow bounds, 
both the grant and the grantor might soon be forgotten, while the island still re- 
tains the name. 

2 " Then followed y*^ claims of y^ French ambassadour, taking advantage at y° di- 
visions made of y® sea coast between cselves to whom we made a just and satis- 
factory answer." Reasons of Resignation, 1635; Gorges' Description of N. E. 
"Briefe Narration." 

3 Hubbard's Hist, of N. E., Appendix iii., quoted in Harris' full and valuable 
note. 

^ Roger White's Letter to Governor Bradford, Dec. 1, 1025 ; Mass. Hist. Coll. iii. 



16 LORD SHEFFEILD's TITLE. 

the success of Puritanism, but his majesty's attention was 
soon diverted to more important issues. 

The council's transactions being thus ratified by the 
crown, the several patentees of the territory of New 
England, became each ^ a lord proprietor of his portion, 
with an absolute title thereto, clothed with all the powers 
of government, originally in the king, and by him vested 
in them. 

Thus was derived the title and authority of Lord Shef- 
feild, in the exercise of which he issued the charter ^ for 
Cape Anne,^ under whose authority the colony was found- 
ed, in the year 1624, which is now expanded into the 
Commonwealth of Massachusetts. 

' In the year 1623, Mr. David Tompson occupied " Tompson's Island " in Boston 
Harbor, but Hubbard says, " he could pretend no other title than a promise or a gift, 
to be conferred on him, in a letter of Sir Ferdinando Gorges, or some other member 
of the council." Tompson seems to have been one of the council's officials. See 
Robert Gorges' Charter of Dec. 30, 1623. 

2 A precedent for this was established by Sir Walter Raleigh, who, in 1587, 
incorporated " the Borough of Virginia," and appointed John White Governor, 
•with a council of twelve. Holmes' Annals, i. 104, 105. 

3 The location and boundaries of the several portions were necessarily vague and 
contingent. Sheffeild, in addition to his title as patentee, held also by purchase 
from the company. The Rev. Joseph B. Felt, in 1845, found in the archives of the 
British Government a volume marked " Journal of Council of Trade," apparently 
the original record of the council for New England. In it was this entry, " Nov. 
27, 1622, Lord Shefifeild and Abram Jennings, £110 each, for their lands in New 
England," but without any other description. In 1621 and 1622, Mr. Ambrose Jen- 
nings, of London, and Mr. Abraham Jennings, of Plymouth, employed ships in the 
fishing business on this coast. New England's Trials, p. 17, in Force's Tracts, 
vol. ii. ; Sullivan's Maine, 392; George Folsom's History of Saco and Biddeford, 
19; Williamson's Maine, i. 



( 



CHAPTEE HI. 

WKIOTHESLEY, EARL OF SOUTHAMPTON, THE PATRON OF BARTHOLO- 
MEW GOSNOLD GOSNOLD SAILS FOR NORTH VIRGINIA, IN MAY, 

1602 DISCOVERS CAPE ANNE NAMES CAPE COl) VISITS MAR- 

THA's vineyard — BUILDS A FORT AT ELIZABETH'S ISLAND CAP- 
TAIN JOHN SMITH VISITS AND NAMES NEW ENGLAND, IN 1614 

MASSACHUSETTS ESTEEMED A PARADISE IT IS VISITED BY THE 

PLYMOUTH COLONISTS SOME OF THE COLONISTS REMOVE TO 

NANTASKET ROGER CONANT BAD CONDUCT AND DISGRACE OF 

LYFORD AND OLDHAM. 

The following information respecting Cape Anne, the 
birth-place of Massachusetts, has been gleaned from the 
accounts of the early navigators on the coast of New 
England, and the manuscripts of the first settlers, which 
furnish the history of the discovery and occupation of 
this region by the English. 

The misfortunes of the Virginia planters discouraged 
for a while any further efforts at colonization, till the 
spirit of enterprise was revived by the young and accom- 
plished noble, Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, 
distinguished as the first to appreciate Shakspeare's ge- 
nius,^ his " especial friend," and his munificent patron. 

^ He was scarcely twenty years of age when Shakspeare dedicated to him his 
'< Venus and Adonis." He was liberated and restored on the accession of James 
the First. He died in the Netherlands, on the 10th November, 1624, and was 
buried at Thchfield. Charles Knight's Biography of Shakspeare, 223, 239, 268; 
Pictorial Hist, of England, i. 658, 661, 664; iii. 383; Lodge's Portraits, iii. 158, 
165; Rapin's Hist, of England, ii. 208. His memory was honored by the authors 
of the day, whose Poems were collected and published, in 1625, in a volume entitled, 
The Teares of the Isle op Wight, shed oh the Tombe of Henrie, Earle of SOUTH- 
AMPTON, and James, Lord WRIOTHESLEY. The volume is now a rarity so 
highly prized, that it has been sold for upwards of £15. 

3 



18 LORD SOUTHAMPTON. BARTHOLOMEW GOSNOLD. 

His cliaracter and position at the time, invest this inci- 
dent with peculiar interest. The companion in arms and 
in misfortune of the unfortunate Earl of Essex, Lord 
Southampton, now less than thirty years of age, held his 
life only by the clemency of Elizabeth. As Selden, 
Eliot, and Raleigh found in the Tower the leisure of the 
scholar, philosopher, and historian, so in the solitude of 
his prison, he enjoyed the resources of a noble mind. 
Some of the leisure hours of his long imprisonment were 
beguiled by romantic accounts of the new found world, 
which the adventures of Columbus, Cabot, Gilbert and 
Raleigh had brought only within the limits of reality, 
and whose outlines were almost as dim as those of the 
ancient Atlantis. Musing on the mysteries of the obscure 
regions far beyond the usual confines of navigation, 
where the sun sat in darkness, and inspired with the gran- 
deur of the discoveries, he generously contributed to, and 
perhaps originated, an expedition for the new world, there 
" to discover convenyent place for a new colony." It was 
placed under the command of Captain Bartholomew Gos- 
nold, and Captain Bartholomew Gilbert. 

Captain Gosnold, an intrepid and experienced mariner 
of the West of England, is distinguished in history as 
the first Englishman who acquired 

" a local habitation and a name " 

within the borders of that territory, years afterwards 
denominated New England. 

On the 26th of March, 1602, with a company of 
thirty-two men, consisting of a corps of twelve for dis- 
covery and observation, twelve to found a colony, and 
eight mariners, they set sail from Falmouth in a small 
and frail " bark of Dartmouth, called the Concord." On 
the 14th of May, after a passage of forty-nine days — 



CAPE ANNE, AND CAPE COD DISCOVERED. 19 

the first ever accomplished in a direct course to this part 
of America — they discovered land, which, from their 
description, is supposed to have included what was after- 
wards named Cape Anne, " an out point of woodie 
ground, the trees whereof were very high and straight." 
They laid at anchor for a few hours, and were visited 
by the natives, who, "in bark shallops, came boldly 
abourd them, apparelled with wastcoats and breeches, 
some of black serdge, some of bleu cloth, made after the 
sea fashion, with hose and shooes on their feet ; a people 
tall of stature, broad and grym visaged ; their eye browes 
paynted white ; and yt seemed by some words and signs 
which they made, that some barks of St. John de Luz, 
had fished and traded in this place. But the ship riding 
here in noe good harborow, and with all the weather 
doubted, the master stood off againe into the sea south- 
wardly, and soon after found himself imbayed with a 
mighty head land, where, coming to an anchor within a 
league of the shoare. Captain Gosnold commanded the 
shallop to be turned out, and went ashore, when he 
perceived this headland to be parcell of the mayne, and 
sundry islands lying almost round about yt ; whereupon, 
thus satisfied, he repaired abourd againe, where, during 
the tyme of his absence, which was not above six howers, 
he found the ship so furnished with excellent codfish, 
which they hauled, that they were compelled to through 
nombers of them overbourd agayne." ^ 

This headland they called Cape Cod, the first name 
bestowed by an Englishman on any part of the coast, a 
harbinger of one of the most important interests of the 
future colonies and states, a History and a Poem in 
itself. Thus do 

*' Coming events cast their shadows before." 

* Chap. 5, 6, of Strachey's " Historic of Travaile into Virginie," edited by R. H. 
Major, Egq. London, 1850. 



20 



MARTHAS VINEYARD. ELIZABETH ISLAND. 



It is a name, says Mather, which I suppose it will never 
lose till shoals of codfish be seen swimming on the tops 
of its highest hills. 

"Honorable and worthy countrymen," said Captain 
John Smith,^ "let not the meanness of the word fish 
distaste you ; for it will afi'ord as good gold as the mines 
of Guiana or Potassie, with less hazard and charge, and 
more certainty and facility." 

After doubling the Cape, Captain Gosnold discovered 
" many faier islands." One he called " Marthae's Viniard, 
being stored with such an incredible nombre of vynes, as 
well in the woody parte of the island, where they run 
upon every tree, as on the outward parts, that they could 
not goe for treading upon them; the second, full of 
deare and fowle, and glistering minerall stones, he called 
by his own name, Gosnoll's Island ; the third, about 
some sixteen miles in compasse, contayning many peeces 
and necks of land little difieringe from several islands, 
saving that certaine bancks of small breadth, like bridges, 
seemed to joyne them to this island." ^ And on the 24:th 
of May, they anchored at the north-west of the last 
named island, which was covered with the stately oak, 
ash, beech, walnut, cedar, sassafras, and other trees, and 
a luxuriant growth of grape vines, eglantine, honey- 
suckle, hawthorn, gooseberry, and raspberry. He named 
it Elizabeth, in honor of his Queen, but it has ever 
retained its Indian name of Cutty-Hunk,^ while to the 
whole group of islands, of which it is a member, belongs 



^ In *' a perfect description of Virginia," 1G49, it is said " that New England is 
in a good condition for livelyhood, but for matter of any great hopes but fishing, 
there is not much in that land." 

2 Purchas' Pilgrims, iv. 1647-1650; Belknap's Am. Biog. Art. "Gosnold;" 
Bancroft, i. ; Hildreth, i.; Stith's Virginia, 31. 

3 " A contraction of Poo-cut-oh-huuk-un-noh, which signifies a thing that lies 
out of water." Belknap's Am. I^iog. Art. " Gosnold." 



GOSNOLD's plantation. FIRST EXPORTS. 21 

the name suggested by Gosnold's loyalty. On this island, 
hardly thirty yards from the shore, on the north-west 
side, was a lake of fresh water, abounding in tortoise, 
and the resort of birds, in the western end of which 
" was a rocky ilet, contayning neere an acre of ground, 
full of wood, on which they began a fort and place of 
abode." They built a punt, or flat-bottomed boat, to 
pass to and from the islet, and were occupied three weeks 
or more in building a house there, which they covered 
with the sedge growing abundantly about the shores of 
the lake. 

After nearly two centuries, on the 20th day of June, 
1797, the Eev. Dr. Belknap visited the spot, and had the 
supreme satisfaction to find the cellar of Gosnold's store- 
house ; and a half century later, on the 22d of August, 
1848, the writer^ examined the locality described with 
minute exactness in the journals of Gosnold's voyage, 
and the outlines of their works were then distinctly 
visible. The ship returned to England with a load of 
sassafras roots, the panacea of the day, which, with furs 
and other productions of the country, was the first cargo 
exported from New England. 

The next special notice of Cape Anne is from the 
travels of the illustrious voyager, Captain John Smith. 
On the 3d day of March, 1614, he'^ sailed from the 
Downes on a voyage to " North Virginia," and he then 
gave it the name of New England.^ To him we are 

' In company with the Hon. George Folsom, of New York, and F. W. Sawyer, 
Esq., of Boston. 

2 Then thirty-five years of age. 

3 In Thevet's " Singularitez de la France Antarctique," published at Paris in 
1558, eh. 74, fol. 148, it is said that " Sebastian Babate [Cabot], an Englishman," 
proposed to Henry VIII. of England, " to go to Peru and America to people the 
country with new inhabitants, and to establish there a JVew England, which he did 
not accomplish:" quoted in "A Memoir of Sebastian Cabot," 2d ed, London, 
1832. 2>\o. p. 89. The council for the second colony ''in the North Partes of 



22 smith's map presented to prince CHARLES. 

indebted for the first tolerable outline of our coast. 
Before sailing, he had collected all the information to be 
obtained from Gosnold, Weymouth, and the fishermen 
who had been on the coast ; but it was so imperfect, that 
he declared it was " even as a coast unknown and undis- 
covered. I have had six or seven severall plotts of those 
northern parts, so unlike each to other, and most so 
difi'ering from any true proportion or resemblance of the 
country, as they did me no more good than so much 
waste paper, though they cost me more. It may be it 
was not my chance to see the best ; but lest others may 
be deceived as I was, or through dangerous ignorance 
hazard themselves as I did, I have drawn a map from 
Point to Point, He to He, and Harbor to Harbor, with 
the sounding, sands, rocks, and land marks, as I passed 
close aboard the shore in a little boat." ^ 

Captain Smith presented his map and account of the 
country to Prince Charles, requesting him "to change 
the Barbarous names for such English as Posterity may 
say Prince Charles was their God-father." The Prince 
approved the name of " New England," and called " the 
faire headland" Cape Anne, in honor of his mother, 
Anne of Denmark, in preference to the less euphonious 
name of Smith's lady love, Charatza Tragabigzanda, so 
gallantly remembered by him in his wanderings in the 
new world. She had become enamored of him while he 
was a prisoner in Turkey, and through her influence 
with one of the chief ofiicers of State, the hardships of 

Virginia in America," petitioned his Majesty that their territory " may be called 
(as by the Prince His Highness it hath bin named) New England, that the 
boundes thereof may be settled from 40 to 45 degrees of northerly latitude, and soe 
from sea to sea through the maine as the coast lyeth." The petition, 3 March, 
1620, is published in " Documents of Colonial History " of New York. 1853. Vol. 
iii. pp. 2, 3, 
' Description of New England, 1624, p. 205. 



^P his captivity were much alleviated. The Prince likewise 
conferred his father's name on Cape Cod,^ but so appro- 
priate was the latter, that it never yielded even to royal 
claims. 

Captain Smith published his "Description of New 
England" — for several years the. only guide of voyagers 
to this coast — in the year 1616, and he^ passed that 
summer in distributing copies of it among the gentry of 
the principal towns of Cornwall and Devonshire, the 
maritime counties of England, in order to excite a new 
impulse in favor of colonization. 

Of " the coast of Massachusetts " he said, " of all the 
four parts of the world I have yet^ seen uninhabited, 
could I have but means to transport a colony, I would 
rather live here than any where else ; " and in another 
place he calls " the country of the Massachusetts "* the 
Paradise of all those parts." Some years later Admiral 
Levett was on the coast, and found that by common 
consent " Massachusetts was called the Paradise of New 
England." 

The Plymouth colonists, " hearing a great fame there- 
of," early in the next fall after their arrival, dispatched 
a boat with a company^ of ten men, under Captain 
Standish, to explore the country, conciliate the natives, 

^ In 1632 its popular name was Cape Cod. Hist. Doc. New York, iii. 17. New 
Foundland, discovered by the Portuguese navigator about the year 1463, was, at 
first, called Terra de Baccalhaos or land of cod-tish. 

2 Horatio G. Somerby, Esq., has discovered in the Parish Register of Wil- 
loughby, County of Lincoln, England, the record of Smith's baptism. " 1579, 
John, the son of George Smith, was baptized the sixth day of January." 

3 A critical examination of Smith's account of this region is in the History of 
Dorchester, ** number one," pp. 1-4, but its strictures must be received with great 
caution. 

^ The Indians told Roger Williams that '♦ the Massachusetts were called so from 
the Blue Hills," in Milton ; and the learned Rev. John Cotton defined it as " an 
hill in the form of an arrow head." 

^ Hubbard, 102 ; Prince, 112, 113. 



24: ISANTASKET. ROGER CONANT. 

and " procure their truck." " They returned with some 
beaver, a good report of the place, and wishing they had 
been settled there." Having built " something like a 
habitation " ^ at Nantasket, they probably trafficked with 
the natives for their peltry, and became familiar with the 
coast and its advantageous points. 

Among the London merchants who aided the Ply- 
mouth colonists, and who were commonly called the 
"merchant adventurers," were many adherents of the 
established church, having no sympathy with the Pil- 
grims, and who viewed the enterprise only as a source 
of pecuniary profit. They introduced into the colony 
persons of opinions similar to their own, and of course 
unfriendly to the Pilgrims. Among them, John Lyford 
and John Oldham became unhappily conspicuous. 

The Pilgrims were of that section of the Puritans 
who dissented from the establishment, and were stig- 
matized as " Separatists." There were in the colony a 
few Puritans of more moderate views, who resided there 
for a while, but " out of dislike of their principles of 
rigid separation," voluntarily withdrew with their fami- 
lies to Nantasket, where Captain Standish had built a 
house, in his tour of observation in the month of Sep- 
tember, 1621. Mr. Eoger Conant, the principal person 
of the company at Nantasket, was " a pious, sober, and 
prudent gentleman," who had come to New England as 
early as the fall of the year 1622, or in the next spring. 

As the serious charges against Lyford rest on the 
ea^ parte statements of Bradford and Morton, they may 

1 Hubbard, the autliority on this point, says, that after the dismissal of Oldham 
and Lyford, "some religious and well affected persons," of whom " Mr Roger 
Conant was one," "were [had] lately removed out of New Plymouth." He has 
been erroneously understood as representing others beside Oldham and Lyford, to 
have been expelled. Hubbard, 102, 106, 116 ; Young's Chrou. of Massachusetts, 



BAD CONDUCT OF LYFORD AND OLDHAM. 25 

be received with caution ; but as the former wrote of his 
own personal knowledge, and Morton himself was a 
youth of about thirteen years of age at the time, and 
was also a prominent man in the colony, and hoth were 
men of known integrity, their positive testimony can be 
questioned only on the gravest considerations. Hubbard, 
the historian, passes lightly over the difficulties at Ply- 
mouth, but Prince^ suggests that "he is sometimes in 
the dark about the affairs of Plymouth, and especially 
those which relate to Lyford and Oldham, as also to 
Mr. Eobinson." 

If Bradford's testimony is to be believed, Lyford was 
the evil genius of New England. He had absconded 
from Ireland for acts of the vilest criminality ; but before 
his true character was known, the Episcopal faction of 
the adventurers in London selected him for the ministry 
at Plymouth, from hostility to Mr. Eobinson, who, with 
a portion of his church, was yet^ at Leyden. At New 
Plymouth, he affected admiration of their order in church 
and state, and with tears and confessions sought admis- 
sion to their fellowship, into which he was received. So 
zealously did he approve their doings, that the Governor 
advised with him on affairs of importance. Lyford found 
in the colony a dishonorable person, one John Oldham, 
described by Governor Bradford as " a private instrument 
of the factious part of the adventurers in England, 
whom we had also called to council in our chief affairs 
without distrust." These congenial fellows at once 
united in seditious proceedings, endangering the public 
interests. The very ship which brought Lyford, on her 



* Prince, 146, 148; Morton's Memorial, 53-60; Robinson's Letter, December 20, 
1623, Works, i. Ivii. 

2 Anno 162|, " Master Layford was at the merchant's chardge sent to Plimoth 
plantation to be their pastor. ' ' — New English Canaan. 

4 



26 THEIR TREASON EXPOSED. 

return voyage to England in July, carried about twenty 
letters from him, and some from Oldham, filled with 
slanders and false accusations of the colonists, tending to 
their utter subversion and ruin. Soon after, their mutin- 
ous behavior obliged the Governor to bring them before a 
court in the presence of the whole company, where their 
falsehood and guilt were proved by their intercepted 
correspondence. They were banished the colony. Old- 
ham returned in the spring of 1625, without leave, and 
by his violence provoked a second expulsion with peculiar 
ignominy. 

Bradford's quaint account of it is as follows: He 
" openly comes, and in so furious a manner reviles us, 
that even his company are asham'd of his outrage. Upon 
which we appoint him to pass thro' a Guard of Sol- 
diers, and every one with a musket to give him a blow 
on his hinder part, is then conveyed to the water side, 
where a boat is ready to carry him away," "with this 
farewell," says Morton,^ " Go and mend your manners." 

" While this is doing, Mr. Winslow and Mr. William 
Peirse ^ land from England, and bid them spare neither 
him nor Lyford: for they had play'd the villains with 
us ; and their Friends in England had the like bickerings 
with ours there about Lyford's calumnious letters, &c. 
After many meetings, and much clamour against our 
agents, for accusing him; the controversy was referred 
to a further meeting of most of the adventurers to hear 
and decide the matter. Mr. Lyford's party chose Mr. 
White, a counsellor at Law ; the other chose the Kev. 
Mr. Hooker, Moderator ; and many friends on both sides 

^ Morton's Memorial, 58; Prince, 153. Running the gauntlet was a statute punish- 
ment as late as 1676. Plymouth Colony Laws, p. 179. 

^ Mr. Savage has a note about Peirse, Winthrop, i. 29,^ to which add p 1:10, 
vol. viii. of the N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg., April, 1854. 



LYFORD EXPELLED FROM THE MINISTRY. 27 



I 

^P coming in, there was a great assembly; in which Mr. 
Winslow made so surprising a discovery of Lyford's car- 
riage when minister in Ireland, for which he had been 
forced to leave that kingdom, and coming to England 
was unhappily lit on and sent to New Plymouth, as 
struck all his friends mute, made 'em asham'd to defend 
him: and the Moderators declared, that as his carriage 
with us gave us cause enough to do as we did, so this 
new discovery renders him unmeet to bare the ministry 



more." ^ 



The character and relations of these persons, as here 
developed, will account for their part in the transactions 
at Cape Anne, as it appears in the course of the follow- 
ing narrative. 

* Prince, 153. 



CHAPTER IV 



PLYMOUTH COLONY SENDS WINSLOW AS AGENT TO ENGLAND FAME 

OF THE COLONY IN ENGLAND REV. JOHN WHITE OF DORCHESTER. 

LORD SHEFFEILD BECOMES INTERESTED GRANTS A PATENT FOR 

CAPE ANNE COPY OF THE CHARTER CAPE ANNE OCCUPIED 

FAILURE OF EFFORTS AT CAPE ANNE DISAFFECTION OF THE LONDON 

MERCHANT ADVENTURERS LEVETT's ACCOUNT OF PLYMOUTH AND 

CAPE ANNE IN 1624. 

After two years of colonial life and observation, the 
pilgrims deputed^ Edward AVinslow, Esquire, to the 
merchant adventurers in England, to report the con- 
ditions and prospects of the colony, and to procure the 
needed supplies. He sailed from Plymouth in the ship 
Ann, on the eighteenth of September, 1623 ; and, on his 
arrival in London, conferred with Mr. Robert Cushman, 
of whom Governor Bradford says, " He was our right 
hand with the adventurers, and for divers years managed 
all our business with them." About this time, and 
probably through the agency of Winslow and Cushman, 
and the correspondence of Mr. Eoger Conant, before 
named, the fame of the successful plantation at Xew 
Plymouth^ was spread throughout the western parts of 
England, especially in the counties which Smith had 
visited a few years before. The Rev. John White, of 

1 Prince, 140. 2 HubbarJ, 106. 



CUSHMAN AND WINSLOW INTEREST LORD SHEFFEILD. 29 

Dorchester, loyal to the church, yet distinguished as a 
Puritan, took a zealous interest in these enterprises, and 
afterward exerted a most important influence in the 
colonizing of New England. 

In about sixty or eighty days, supplies were provided 
for the colony, and preparations made to extend their 
fisheries and to transport more persons " further to plant 
at Plymouth, and in other places in New England," 
especially "in a known place there commonly called 
Cape Anne.'- ^ 

Among those whose interest was gained by Cushman 
and Winslow, the first colonial agents from New England 
to Old England, was Edward, Lord Sheffeild, then one of 
the leading statesmen of England, and a prominent 
member of the Council for New England. The creation 
of this company, its corporate powers, the distribution of 
the territory among its members, and the sanction of this 
by the king in council, establishing the title and right of 
government over the various portions, in the several 
proprietors, as emanating directly from the crown, have 
been already stated. In the exercise of this delegated 
authority. Lord ShefFeild granted the charter which is 
now presented to the reader. 

It displays a political wisdom, superior to that of 
Locke, or any theorist, probably the fruit of colonial 
experience as suggested by Winslow and Cushman. No 
elaborate system was created. A few concise but com- 
prehensive sentences, embodied the essentials of a free 
government. The necessities of society creates laws, 
suited to its position and character in its primitive con- 



* ** How great a difference there is between the theoretical and practical part of 
an enterprise. The Utopian fancy of any projector may easily, in imaginaiion, 
frame a flourishing plantation in such a country as was New England." — Hub- 
bard, 87. 



30 POLITICAL PRIVILEGES OF THE CHARTER. 

dition, few and simple, and in its progress becoming 
more complicated and minute; and thus the charter 
wisely left the polity of the colony, to be developed by 
and in itself It establishes, as the basis of the body 
politic, institutions whose design and legitimate fruits are 
intelligence and virtue ; it secures to all, by fundamental 
laws, the opportunity of instruction, and of education in 
the principles of morality and religion ; and, thus pre- 
pared for the rights and duties of Christian freemen, it 
guarantees to them the exercise of those rights and 
duties in self-legislation, and the election of their own 
officers and magistrates. 



THE CHARTER. 



\B Snitmturt' 



made the ffirst day of January Anno Dni 
1623, And in the Yeares of the Raigne of o' Soveraigne Lord James 
by the grace of God King of England ffrance and Ireland Defender of 
the ffaith &c the One and Twentyth And of Scotland the Seaven and 
fFyftyth 33tttS)Ctnt the right honorable Edmond Lord Sheffeild Knight 
of the most noble Order of the Garter on thone part And Robert 
Cushman and Edward Winslowe for themselves, and theire Associats 
and Planters at Plymouth in New England in America on thother part. 
212l3>tn0S!S0ti) that the said Lord Sheffeild (As well in consideracon 
that the said Robert and Edward and divers of theire Associats haue 
already adventured themselves in person, and have likewise at theire 
owne proper Costs and Charges transported dyvers persons into New 
England aforesaid And for that the said Robert and Edward and their 
Associats also intend as well to transport more persons as also further 
to plant at Plymouth aforesaid, and in other places in New England 
aforesaid As for the better Advancement and furtherance of the said 
Planters, and encouragement of the said Vndertakers) Hath Gyven, 
graunted, assigned, allotted, and appointed And by these pnts doth 
Gyve, graunt, assigne, allott, and appoint vnto and for the said Robert 
and Edward and their Associats As well a certaine Tract of Ground in 
New England aforesaid lying in fforty-three Degrees or thereabout of 
Northerly latitude and in a knowne place there comonly called Cape 
Anne, Together with the free vse and benefitt as well of the Bay 
comonly called the Bay of Cape Anne, as also of the Islands within the 



* The council's grant of Massachusetts was by ** indenture; " so recited in that 
of March 4, 1628-9. The abbreviations and orthograpliy of the original have 
been retained as far as the modern type will allow. The reader will be enabled lo 
detect any discrepancies, by consulting the fac-simile. 



32 SCHOOLS, CHURCHES, HOSPITALS. 

said Bay And free liberty ,i to ffish, fowle, hawke, and hunt, truck, and 
trade in the Lands thereabout, and in all other places in' New England 
aforesaid; whereof the said Lord Sheffeild is, or hath byn possessed, 
or which haue byn allotted to him the said Lord Sheffeild, or within 
his Jurisdiccon (not nowe being inhabited, or hereafter to be inhabited 
by any English) Together also with ffyve hundred Acres of free Land 
adioyning to the said Bay to be ymployed for publig vses, as for the 
building of a Towne, Scholes,^ Churches, Hospitalls, and for the mayn- 
tenance of such Ministers, Officers, and Magistrats, as by the said 
vndertakers, and theire Associats are there already appointed, or which 
hereafter shall (with theire good liking,^ reside, and inhabitt there And 
also Thirty Acres of Land, over and beside the ffyve hundred Acres 
of Land, before menconed To be allotted, and appointed for every 
perticuler person,^ Young, or old (being the Associats, or servants of 
the said vndertakers or their successo" that shall come, and dwell at 
the aforesaid Cape Anne within Seaven ^ yeares next after the Date 
hereof, which Thirty Acres of Lande soe appointed to every person as 
aforesaid, shall be taken as the same doth lye together vpon the said 
Bay in one entire place, and not stragling^ in dyvers, or remote 
parcells not exceeding an English Mile, and a halfe in length on the 
Waters side of the said Bay "SiTcltfiUS tlUtf Jptlginfi for ever yearely 
vnto the said Lord Sheffeild, his heires, successo". Rent gatherer, or 
assignes for every Thirty Acres soe to be obteyned, and possessed by 



* This and all the provisions of this charter are carefully conformed to the charter 
of the Council of New England, and of the "Platform" of 1622. There is a 
remarkable resemblance between most of the early charters. 

2 Here is the embryo of New England — schools, churches, hospitals — laws and 
elections, controlled by the people — to be only •* with theire good liking," that is, 
*' a major part of them." The first in order as in importance are the schools, sup- 
ported and controlled by the public; not separate, not dissentient, not sectarian, 
free, open to all, secular ; the benefits and the burdens to be shared alike b}' all — 
this is necessary to the perpetuity of the rest. " For such as are truly pious, shall 
find here the opportunity to put in practice the works of piety, both in building of 
churches, and raising of colleges for the breeding of youth, or maintenance of 
divines and other learned men." — The Council's *' Brief Relation," etc. 1622. 

3 The germ of a Republic. 
■* Every man a landholder. 

* This was the time named in Gilbert's and other charters, within which the 
patentees must avail themselves of their privileges. 

6 The intent was " the building of a towne," a compact population, thus 
avoiding many of the evils incidental to a thinly scattered population in a new 
country. 



TENURE. POWERS OF GOVERNMENT. 33 

the said Robert & Edward theire heires, successo'', or Associats 
Twelve Pence of lawfull English money At the ffeast of St. Michaell 
Tharchaungell only (if it be lawfully demaunded) The first payment 
thereof To begynne ymediatly from and after thend and expiracon of 
the first Seaven yeares next after the date hereof ^lltJ t^^ UUVti Lord 
ShefFeild for himself his heires, successo'% and assignes doth Covenant, 
promise, and graunt to and with the said Robert Cushman, and Edward 
Winslow their heires, associats, and assignes That they the said 
Robert, and Edward, and such other persons as shall plant, and 
contract^ with them, shall freely and quyetly, haue, hold, possesse, 
and enioy All such profitts, rights, previlidges, benefits, Comodities, 
advantages, and preheminences, as shall hereafter by the labo', search, 
and diligence of the said Vndertakers their Associats, servants, or 
Assignes be obteyned, found out, or made within the said Tract of 
Ground soe graunted vnto them as aforesaid ; Reserving vnto the said 
Lord ShefFeild his heirs, successors, and assignes The one Moyety of 
all such Mynes as shall be discovered, or found out at any tyme by the 
said Vndertakers, or any their heires, successo"'^, or assignes vpon the 
Grounds aforesaid ^Uti further That it shall and may be lawfull to 
and for the said Robert Cushman, and Edward Winslowe their heires, 
associats, and assignes from tyme to tyme, and at all tymes hereafter 
soe soone or they or their Assignes haue taken possession, or entred 
into any of the said Lands To forbyd, repell, repulse and resist by 
force of Armes^ All and every such persons as shall build, plant, or 
inhabitt, or which shall offer, or make shew to build, plant, or inhabitt 
within the Lands soe as aforesaid graunted, without the leave, and 
licence of the said Robert, and Edward or theire assignes WiVCti ti}t 
UiliXi Lord ShefFeild doth further Covenant, and graunt That vpon a 



1 This as well as other parts of the instrument provide for the admission of new 
associates, or even of the assignment of the charter. The Dorchester Company may 
have "held" of the Plymouth people in either manner; perhaps the latter mode 
may be conjectured from the fact that the charter was in the possession of a 
Massachusetts Governor, the son of a Governor, and principal founder of the 
State. 

2 Under this prerogative of sovereignty Governor Conant would have ample 
authority to repel the invasoin of his territory. See chap. v. This authority is con- 
tained in Gilbert's charter, 1578 ; it is also in the royal charter, which authorizes 
the Colonial Governors *' to encounter, expulsc, repel and resist by force of 
arms as well by sea and land " all persons not licensed to inhabit there. Here, as 
ia all the authority granted, Lord Shefieild has conformed his charter to the 
language and authority of the royal charter, and no where exceeds it. 

5 



35 POPULAR LEGISLATION. ELECTIVE OFFICERS. 

lawfull survey 1 hadd, and taken of the aforesaid Lands, and good 
informacon gyven to the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, or assignes, of 
the Meats, Bounds, and quantity of Lands which the said Robert, and 
Edward their heires, associates, or assignes shall take in and be by 
them their Associats, Servants, or Assigns inhabited as aforesaid ; he 
the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, or assigns, at and vpon the reason- 
able request of the said Vndertakers, or the ire Associats, shall and will 
by good and sufficient Assurance in the Lawe Graunt, enfeoffe, confirm 
and allott vnto the said Robert Cushman and Edward Winslowe theire 
Associats, and Assigns All and every the said Lands soe to be taken 
in within the space of Seaven yeares next after the Date hereof in as 
larg, ample, and beneficiall manner, as the said Lord Sheffeild his 
heires, or assignes nowe haue, or hereafter shall have the same Lands, 
or any of them graunted unto him, or them ; for such rent, and vnder 
such Covenants, and Provisoes as herein are conteyned (mutatis 
mutandis) ^tlti shall and will also at all tymes hereafter vpon reason- 
able request made to him the said Lord Sheffeild his heires, or assignes 
by the said Edward and Robert their heires, associats, or assignes, or 
any of them graunt, procure, and make good, lawfull, and sufficient 
Letters, or other Graunts of Incorporacon^ whereby the said Vnder- 
takers, and their Associats shall haue liberty and lawfull authority from 
tyme to tyme to make and establish Lawes, Ordynnces, and Consti- 
tucoils for the ruling, ordering, and governing of such persons as now 
are resident, or which hereafter shalbe planted, and inhabitt there And 
in the meane tyme vntill such Graunt be made It shalbe lawfull for the 
said Robert, and Edward theire heires, associats and Assignes by 
consent of the greater part^ of them to Establish such Laws, Provisions 

^ The royal charter, 1620, provides for "a commission of suryey and distri- 
bution" of the lands. 

2 *♦ It is likewise provided, that all the cities in that territory, and other inferior 
towns where tradesmen are in any numbers, shall be incorporate and made bodies 
politic, to govern their affairs and people as it shall be found most behoveful for the 
public good of the same." — Council's "Platform of the Government." 1622. 
This is in exact conformity with the ample provisions of their charter. 1620. 

3 " And for that all men by nature are best pleased to be their own carvers, and 
do most willingly submit to those ordinances, or orders whereof themselves are 
authors, it is therefore resolved, that the general laws whereby that State is to be 
governed, shall be first framed and agreed upon by the general assembly of che 
States of those parts, both spiritual and temporal." — Ibid. 

"And there is no less care to be taken for the trade and public commerce of 
merchants, tvhose government ought to be within themselves, in respect of the 
several occasions arising between them, the tradesmen and other the mechanicks* 



SUBORDINATION TO THE CROWN AND COUNCIL. 35 

and Ordynnces as are or shalbe by them thought most fitt, and con- 
venient for the governement of the said plantacon which shall be from 
tyme to tyme executed, and administred by such Officer, or Officers, 
as the said Vndertakers, or their Associats or the most part of them 
shall elect,! and make choice of J^tObgtJttJ allwaies That the said 
Lawes, Provisions, and Ordynnces which are, or shall be agreed on, 
be not repugnant to the Lawes of England, or to the Orders, and 
Constitucons 2 of the President and Councell of New England JftO- 
ijgtlttf further That the said Vndertakers theire heires, and suc- 
cessor' shall fore'' acknowledg the said Lord Sheffeild his heires and 
successo'% to be theire Chiefe Lord,^ and to answeare and doe service 
vnto his LoPP or his Successo", at his, or theire Court when upon his, 
or theire owne Plantacon The same shalbe established, and kept )Jtt 
tofitnCS whereof the said parties to these present Indentures Inter- 
chaungeably have putt their Hands and Seals The day and yeares first 
aboue written. 

SHEFFEYLD, 

^SeaX pendent.^ 

•N /K TTv Jt\ /r\ 7^ ^|N /1\ /K ^N /N 



On the back of the parchment is the following g.ttes- 
tation : " Sealed * and del'd in the presence of John 
BuLMER, Tho : Belweeld, John Fowller," — an exact 
copy of which is inserted in the left-hand margin of the 
fac-simile of the charter. 

The strip of parchment at the foot of the instrument, 
to which the seal was pendent, yet remains as represented 



with whom they have most to do, and who are generally the chief inhabitants of 
great cities and towns in all parts." — Ibid. 

1 Their officers or ministers, whom they employ, and whom they may be bold to 
question or displace, as to themselves shall seem most fitting." — Ibid. 

^ This is a recognition of the Council, as the original source of the title, and as an 
appellate power, agreeably to the plan of the Council, as published in 1622. 

2*' These lords of counties may of themselves subdivide their said county into 
manors and lordships, as to them shall seem best, giving to the lords thereof power of 
keeping of courts, and leets, as is here used in England," etc. — Ibid. 1622. 

* All the ancient legal formulas were here complied with. Blackstone, Book II. 
chap. 2 ). 



36 CAPE ANNE OCCUPIED UNDER THE CHARTER. 

in the fac-simile. By the law and usage of that day the 
origmal instrument was executed by the grantor only, 
which accounts for the omission, on this parchment, of 
the names of the grantees whose signatures would be 
affixed to the counterpart remaining in the hands of 
Sheffeild.1 

Mr. Winslow returned to Plymouth in March, in the 
ship Charity,^ after an absence of about six months. 
Among the abundant supplies for the colonists, brought 
in this ship, were several Devonshire cattle, perhaps the 
first introduced into New England, unless the colonists 
in Maine and New Hampshire had imported them. 

To us the most interesting result of Winslow's mission 
was the charter for Cape Anne, with the new company 
and materials for the colony there. The ship was soon 
discharged at Plymouth, and was sent thence to Cape 
Anne,^ taking a few Plymouth planters to aid in building 
fishing stages. They erected " a great frame house " for 
the various purposes of the fishery, and during the sum- 
mer of the next year made further improvements. 

New Plymouth, in the fourth year of her settlement, 
having a population of about one hundred and eighty 
persons, extended the limits of her commercial enterprise, 
and endeavored to found a new plantation, a scion from 
the parent colony, a visible aggression of the Anglo 
Saxon race on American soil ; perhaps the first instance 
of our territorial expansion — " annexation." 

From this acquisition, so full of promise, Plymouth 
reaped only bitter disappointments and reverses; their 



» Blackstone, Book II. cli. 20, § 1. 

^ Judge Davis thinks that Winslow and Lyford came in the Ann, though Prince 
says he came in the Charity. Winslow went to England in the Ann the 10th of 
September before. Davis' Morton, lUj Prince, 146, 147. 

3 Prince, 146, 147. 



PLYMOUTH AND CAPE ANNE IN 1624. 37 

agent proved inefficient, the salt works were injured, the 
house burnt, and a series of difficulties embarrassed the 
enterprise. The disastrous loss of property sundered the 
only bond of interest between the Pilgrims and the "mer- 
chant adventurers " in London, who dissolved their asso- 
ciation and discontinued their assistance to the Plymouth 
Colony. But a portion of the members, either with some 
lingering interest in the settlement, or, more probably, 
with the hope of retrieving their losses, wrote to the colo- 
nists, encouraging them that they were " the people that 
must make a plantation in those remote parts when all 
others failed,"^ and consigned to them another cargo of 
goods, but at unreasonable and oppressive prices.^ 

At the very time of these occurrences, the summer of 
the year 1624, Christopher Levett, Admiral of New Eng- 
land, was on this coast, and from him we have the obser- 
vations of a mere looker-on. He says, " neither was I at 
New Plymouth, but I fear that place is not so good as 
many others ; for if it were, in my conceit, they would 
content themselves with it and not seek any other, hav- 
ing ten times so much ground as would serve ten times 
so many people as they have now amongst them. But it 
seems they have no fish to make benefit of, for this year 
they had one ship fish at Pemoquid and another at Cape 
Ann, where they have begun a new plantation, but how 
long it will continue I know not. * * * I fear there 
hath been too fair a gloss set on Cape Ann. I am told 
there is a good harbor which makes a fair invitation, but 
when they are in, their entertainment is not answerable, 
for there is little good ground,^ and the ships which fished 



1 Prince, H6, 147, 148 ; Ibid. 133. 

- Daring the earlier years these merchants advanced goods at an interest of 80 to 
GO per cent. Holmes' Annals, 1. 190, note 1. 
^ 1 he Gloucester records fix the exact locality of the settlement, and from per- 



38 THE FISHING BUSINESS. 

there this year, their boats went twenty miles to take 
their fish, and yet they were in great fear of [not] making 
their voyages, as one of the masters confessed unto me 
who was at my house." ^ The conclusion of this attempt 
to colonize Cape Anne, and the tracing of the current of 
events to the establishment of a colony under Mr. Eoger 
Conant, will occupy the next chapter. 



sonal examination, I can testify to the accuracy of Levett's description ; there is a 
" little good ground *' surrounded by barren granite hills, covered with clumps of 
pine : it is now cultivated as a farm. See Appendix V. 
1 Tn Maine Hist. Coll. ii. 98, 99. 



CHAPTEE V 



PURITANISM IN ENGLAND — BISHOP LAKE AND REV. JOHN WHITE FAVOR 
NEW ENGLAND REASONS FOR COLONIZING THE DORCHESTER COM- 
PANY THEY ESTABLISH A COLONY AT CAPE ANNE UNDER THE SHEF- 

FEILD CHARTER ROGER CONANT APPOINTED GOVERNOR HOSTILITY 

OF LONDON MERCHANTS THEIR AGENT HEWES MAKES REPRISALS OF 

PLYMOUTH PROPERTY AT CAPE ANNE GOV. CONANT EFFECTS PEACE. 

The Puritan portion of the Church of England, opposed 
to the court maxim of unlimited power, and to the grow- 
ing favor to its natural ally — Popery — began to feel the 
heavy pressure of its discipline. The law was claimed 
and administered by the court hirelings. The friends of 
civil and religious liberty were execrated as rebels and 
traitors, and their cause made the occasion of derision 
and reproach. 

One of the prelates, Arthur Lake, Bishop of Bath and 
Wells, and his friend, the Rev. John White, before re- 
ferred to, men of quiet and excellent lives, were of this 
party. They looked towards New England as a refuge 
from the impending storms of persecution. The venera- 
ble dignitary professed to Mr. White, that but for the 
infirmities of age he would go thither with him.^ 

* The fact that a Prelate of the Church of England was one of the earliest friends 
of New England, has been, I believe, hitherto unnoticed. Hugh Peters' " Last 
Legacy to his Daughter." Boston, 1717, p. 77. Bishop Lake was born at South- 
ampton, son of Almeric Lake or du Lake, and brother of Sir Thomas, Secretary of 



40 REASONS FOR COLONIZING NEW ENGLAND. 

The advantages of a permanent settlement on the coast 
of New England were early brought to the attention of 
those engaged in the western fisheries/ but without any 
efiect, for the reason, it may be, that they were the sug- 
gestions of men of liberal pursuits who would contemplate 
the ultimate results of colonization, not less than the im- 
mediate gains of trade. In the year 1585, a " student of 
'the middle temple," Richard Hackluyt, wrote a tract on 
the subject ; it was urged by Edward Hayes,^ in the year 
1602, and by Edward Winslow, in a pamphlet, entitled 
" Good Newes from New England," published in the year 
1624. He says, "what may the planters expect when 
once they are seated, and make the most of their salt 
there, and employ themselves at least eight months in 
fishing; whereas the others fish but four, and having 
their ship lie dead in the harbour all the time, whereas 
such shipping as belong to plantations may take freight 
of passengers or cattle thither, and have their lading pro- 
vided against they come." 

These views commended themselves to Mr. White.^ 



State, elevated to tlie See of Bath and Wells in 1616, and died in 1626. A thick folio 
volume of his sermons was published in 1G29. Laud was his immediate successor 
in his bishopric. Rev. John White, A. M., born at Stanton, St. John, in Oxford- 
shire, 1576, was Rector of Trinity Church, in Dorchester, 1606- 1648, with little 
interruption. The Prelate Laud persecuted him for preaching against popish cere- 
monies. Prince Rupert plundered his house, and robbed him of his library. He 
was eminent in the assembly of divines. He died July 21, 1648, aged 72, and lies 
buried in the porch of St. Peter's Church, Dorchester, but, proh pudor! without any 
monumental inscription. " By his wisdom and ministerial labors," says Fuller, 
" Dorchester was much enriched with knowledge, piety, and industry." He was 
called the " Patriarch of Dorchester." Brook's Lives, iii. 89, 90. 

^ In 1620, the Virginia Company had expended £6000 on the fisheries at Cape 
Cod. Stith's Virginia, 185. 

2 In 1620, Captain Richard Whitbourne, of Exmouth, published *' A Discourse 
and Discovery of New-found-land, with many reasons to proove how worthy and 
beneficiall a Plantation may there be made." A copy of this rare volume is in 
Charles Deane, Esq. 's Library. 

3 Hubbard, 106. 



I 



THE DORCHESTER COMPANY FORMED. 



41 



Some of his parishioners and friends, merchants of that 
town and the vicinity, had prosecuted the cod fisheries 
and beaver trade on these shores for several successive 
years. The fishermen being usually upon their voyages 
nine or ten months, during which time they were without 
religious instruction, Mr. White suggested to the mer- 
chants that it might benefit their own men, as well as 
others frequenting these coasts, to maintain a minister 
here. He further suggested that a colony on this coast 
would facilitate their business by employing many hands 
during the fishing season, a portion of whom could be left 
in the country until the next season, and in the mean 
time might employ themselves in building houses and 
planting corn, which, with the fish, fowl, and venison, 
would afford them abundant occupation and support. 
Upon these considerations the merchants organized them- 
selves into a joint stock company, with a capital of more 
than £3000,^ to be paid in by assessments in the course 
of five years, appointed John Humphrey,^ brother-in-law 
of the Earl of Lincoln, their treasurer, and were known as 
the Dorchester Company. During this time, the honest 
chronicler, Captain John Smith, was preparing his account 
of "New Plimouth," in which he says, " there hath beene 
afishing this yeere vpon the Coast, about 50. English 
ships : and by Cape Anne, there is a Plantation a begin- 
ning by the Dorchester men, which they hold of those of 
New Plimoth, who also by them haue set vp a fishing 
worke ; some talke there is of some other pretended Plan- 
tations, all whose proceedings the eternal God protect 
and preserve." ^ 

The Dorchester merchants, in their fishing business, 

• Planters' Plea, cliap 7, 8. 

2 Hubbard, 106. 

3 .'Geuerall Historie," 247 ; Prince, 151. 
6 



42 CAPE ANNE " HELD OF THOSE OF NEW FLYMOUTH." 

may or may not previously have had stages on Cape Ann, 
but this their first attempt to plant or colonize, coincident 
in time and place with the Plymouth " patent " and plan- 
tation, corroborates beyond any reasonable doubt, Captain 
Smith's accuracy, that they " held of those of New Ply- 
mouth," whose charter, as we have seen, authorized the 
residence at Cape Anne of any planters, being the " asso- 
ciates " of the patentees, " or their successors," and of any 
ministers, officers, or magistrates, whom the patentees 
might approve of. 

The Plymouth planters being in possession of Cape 
Anne, under a legal title, would admit to its occupa- 
tion only those who acknowledged their right ; and 
this aifords a legal presumption that any others in the 
peaceable enjoyment of its privileges, were so by agree- 
ment with them under their charter, for it seems to 
have been drawn with the most liberal views as to the 
admission of future parties to its benefits. 

The statement of Captain Smith that the Dorchester 
Company " held of those of New Plymouth," is made 
in the folio edition of his General History, first pub- 
lished in 1624 ; it is under the head of " the present estate 
of the plantation at New Plimoth, 1624," which occu- 
pies less than a page and a half on the last leaf of 
his book — - and this information he doubtless obtained 
in England, the very latest accounts he could collect 
before sending his concluding sheet to the press ; to 
this it may be added, that the author's personal knowl- 
edge of New England, and his prominence and zeal in 
promoting colonial enterprises, involved an intimacy 
with the leading adventurers and colonists, which pre- 
cludes doubt of the responsible source of his information.^ 

^ The learned and discriminating historian of Virginia, Stith, whose judgment of 
graUh is valuably beyond that of any other writer, says he is of " unquestionable 



COLONY ESTABLISHED AT CAPE ANNE. 43 

The history of this, the first permanent colony on the 
territory, afterwards included in the Massachusetts 
grant, is for the first two or three years, drawn chief- 
ly from Hubbard, who, without doubt, obtained his 
knowledge from Governor Conant's own lips. 

Having concluded the agreement with the Plymouth 
colonists, the Dorchester Company adopted immediate 
and efficient measures for the establishment of a plan- 
tation. A company of husbandmen was sent to Cape 
Anne, well furnished with the implements of farming, 
and supplies for the new settlement. They selected 
the lands within the bosom of the Cape,^ the site of 
the present town of Gloucester. The spring and sum- 
mer of the year 1624 were diligently employed in prepa- 
ration for those who should pass the next winter there, 
fourteen in number.^ The plantation was stocked with 
cattle, a house was built, salt works, stagings, and the 
structures usually pertaining to the fisheries were erect- 
ed. 

They appointed Mr. Thomas Gardner overseer of the 
plantation, and Mr. John Tylly to manage the fisheries. 
Mr. John Woodbery, of Somersetshire, was also one of 
the principal men of the settlement. About the close 
of the first year,^ Mr. White received such favorable 
information about Mr. Roger Conant,'^ named in the 

authority for what is related while in the country, and I take him to have been a 
very honest man, and a strenuous lover of truth." Stith's Virginia. Williams- 
burg, 1747. Preface, iv. 
^ Gorges. 

2 Planters' Plea, ch. 7, 8. 

3 Hubbard, 106. Hutchinson says that Conant left Cape Anne in the fall of 
1626 ; the Planters' Plea says, the Planters " stood us in two years and a halfe in 
well nigh a thousand pounds,'' which would make their occupation to have begun 
early in 1624. 

■*Then about 83 years of age ; born 1591, died Nov. 19, 1679. See his Depo- 
sition published by Rev. J. B. Felt in the New England Hist. Gen. Eeg 1848 
p. 333. 



44 TIOGER CONANT CHOSEN GOVERNOR. 

previous narative, that he and the rest of the adventur- 
ers were so well assured of Mr. Conant's qualifications, 
that they decided to employ him " for the managing and 
government of all their affairs a,t Cape Anne ; " and Mr. 
White " was so well satisfied therein, that he engaged 
Mr. Humphrey, the treasurer of the joint adventurers, to 
write to him in their names, and to signify that they had 
chosen him to he their governor in that j^lace,^ and would 
commit unto him the charge of all their affairs, as well 
fishing as planting." They also invited Mr. Lyford to 
be the minister of the new colony, and Oldham to trade 
for them with the Indians. At that time they dwelt at 
Nantasket. Lyford accepted, and went to Cape Anne 
with Governor Conant, but Oldham preferred " to stay 
where he was, for a while, and trade for himself, and 
not become liable to give an account of his gain or 
loss." 

Of this, Prince says, " it seems as if the Eev. Mr. 
White and the Dorchester gentlemen had been imposed 
upon with respect to Lyford and Oldham, and had sent 
invitations to them before the discovery " of their wick- 
edness. 

Governor Conant may have allowed Lyford's presence 
at Cape Anne, from commiseration for his family, or 
upon his repentance. The only occurrence of note 
during Governor Conant's administration at Cape Anne 
was the case of the aggression on the property of the 
Plymouth planters, wherein he displayed a moderation 

* The charter expressly authorizes civil officers, and the mftintenance of a minis- 
ter, and there can be no reasonable doubt that these appointments were under its 
provisions. In point of prudence and interest, the Dorchester merchants would 
avail themselves of all the charter privileges, and nothing appearing to the contrary, 
there can be no reasonable doubt that the appointments of the various officers were 
made by virtue of the charter. See also the " Declaration," in Mass. Hist. 
Coll. xix. 



A SHARP CONTEST AT CAPE ANNE. 45 

and address appropriate to his position. Some of the 
" adventurers," who had deserted the colonial interests, 
sent " one Hewes," to make reprisal of the Plymouth 
possessions at the Cape. This was probably done at 
the suggestion of those bad men, Lyford and Oldham. 

Hubbard represents this incident with much humor, 
at the expense of the Plymouth people: but Prince's 
suggestion that he was " sometimes in the dark about 
the affairs of Plymouth, and especially those which 
relate to Lyford and Oldham," in connection with the 
preceding relation, will be a caveat to the reader. 

His account contains incidentally some interesting 
details, and shows that they were inclined to a literal 
interpretation of that clause of their patent, which 
authorized them " to forbyd, repell, and repulse by 
force of armes," all intruders on their territory. The 
story runs thus: "In one of the fishing voyages 
about the year 1625, under the charge and command 
of one Mr. Hewes, employed by some of the west 
country merchants, there arose a sharp contest between 
the said Hewes and the people of New Plymouth, about 
a fishing stage, built the year before about Cape Anne 
by Plymouth men, but was now, in the absence of the 
builders, made use of by Mr. Hewes' company, which 
the other, under the conduct of Captain Standish, very 
eagerly and peremptorily demanded : for the company of 
New Plymouth, having themselves obtained a useless 
patent^ for Cape Anne, about the year 1623, sent some 
of the ships, which their adventurers employed to trans- 
port passengers over to them, to make fish there ; for 
which end they had built a stage there, in the year 1624. 

1 Prince, p. 153, note 41. 

2" Useless," not from want of authority in the patentj but the unfitness of the 
territory for a colony. 



46 CAPTAIN STANDISH. GOV. CONANT's PRUDENCE. 

The dispute grew to be very hot, and high words passed 
between them which might have ended in blows, if not 
in blood and slaughter, had not the prudence and mod- 
eration of Roger Conant, at that time there present, 
and Mr. Peirse's ^ interposition, that lay just by with his 
ship, timely prevented. For Mr. Hewes had barricadoed 
his company with hogsheads on the stage head, while 
the demandants stood upon land, and might easily have 
been cut off; but the ship's crew, by advice, promising 
to help them to build another, the difference was thereby 
ended. Captain Standish ^ had been bred a soldier in 
the Low Countries, and never entered the school of our 
Saviour Christ, or of John Baptist, his harbinger, or, if 
he was ever there, had forgot his first lessons, to offer 
violence to no man, and to part with the cloak rather 
than needlessly contend for the coat, though taken away 
without order. A little chimney is soon fired; so was 
the Plymouth Captain, a man of very little stature, yet 
of a very hot and angry temper. The fire of his passion 
soon kindled and blown up into a flame by hot words, 
might easily have consumed all, had it not been season- 
ably quenched." 

As the Plymouth colonists and the Dorchester adven- 
turers had, under the patent, a unity of interests, touching 
all intruders,^ and Mr. Peirse was their tried friend. Cap- 
tain Standish could with propriety listen to their advice. 
He demanded the possession of the property of his 
government, withheld without right, or the pretence of 

^ The influence of Mr. Wm. Peirse should not be overlooked ; he had been a firm 
friend to the planters — had aided in detecting the treachery of Lyford and Old- 
ham, and his advice would have great weight with Standish. Prince, 149, 153; 
Hubbard, 110, 111. 

2 Kliot has a good notice of Standish. Biog. Diet. 

3 '' To forbyd, repell, repulse and resist by force of armes," was authorized by 
the charter. 



I 



CAPTAIN STANDISH JUSTIFIED. 47 

right, and wrested from them, doubtless, by the machi 
nations of Lyford. These circumstances, and the charac- 
ter of the actors, might well disturb milder tempers than 
that of Standish, and he deserved praise rather than 
Hubbard's censure, for his Christian endurance, forbear- 
ing even a blow under such an outrage. He had the 
approval of Bradford, who says they " refused to restore 
it without fighting, upon which we let them keep it, and 
our Governor sends some planters to help the fishermen 
build another." ^ 

* Prince, 154. 



CHAPTER VI. 

REVERSES AT CAFE ANNE LOSSES— THE MERCHANTS ABANDON THE 

COLONY THE COLONY PURGED OF ITS WORTHLESS MEMBERS 

GOV. CONANT PREVENTS ITS DISSOLUTION THE COLONY REMOVED 

TO NAUMKEAG INDIAN HOSPITALITY GOV. CONANt's FIRMNESS 

SAVES THE COLONY JOHN WOODBERY SENT AS AGENT TO ENG- 
LAND. 

One who had witnessed several unfortunate attempts 
to establish plantations on this coast, enumerated as one 
of "three things" which were "the overthrow and 
bane " of these enterprises, " the carelessness of those 
that send over supplies of men unto them, not caring 
how they be qualified," and he besought " such as had 
the care of transporting for the supply and furnishing of 
plantations, to be truly careful in sending such as might 
further and not hinder so good an action." ^ 

Lord Bacon, in his essay on "plantations" says that " it 
is a shameful and unblessed thing to take the scum to be 
the people with whom you plant ; and not only so, but it 
spoileth the plantation ; for they will ever live like rogues 
and not fall to work, but be lazy and do mischief, and 
spend victuals, and he quickly weary, and then certify over 
to their country to the discredit of the plantation ; " and 
this was verified in less than fifty years after it was writ- 

i Winslow's ♦' Good Newes," 1624. 



CAUSES OF DISASTER AT CAPE ANNE. 49 

ten, in the colony at Cape Anne. The " Planters' Plea " 
itself complains that " the ill carriage of our men at 
land," in two years and a half had cost " well nigh one 
thousand pounds charge, and never yielded one hundred 
pounds profit." 

Governor Conant found it difficult to repress insubor- 
dination among the ill-chosen men sent to Cape Anne. 
They "fell into many disorders and did the company 
little service," which, added to the losses by fishing and 
the great depreciation in the value of their shipping, " so 
far discouraged the adventurers, that they abandoned the 
further prosecution of the design, and took order for the 
dissolving of the company on land, and sold away the 
shipping and other provisions." 

There is no discrepancy in the narratives of Hubbard, 
on the authority of Conant and some of his associates, 
and of White in the " Planters' Plea," though each fur- 
nishes details omitted by the other. White dwells upon 
the results as affecting the pecuniary interests of the 
parties in England, while Hubbard relates the social in- 
cidents in the colony, so that both are necessary to the 
completeness of the history. The one knew the history 
of the causes, whose effects only interest the other. 

The former says the " land-men were ill commanded," 
but the onlyyac^5 which we have are in Hubbard, and 
they reflect great credit on Conant's administrative talent 
and his public spirit. 

The adventurers in England honorably paid the wages 
of the planters whom they had employed at Cape Anne, 
and offered them a passage home if they desired to re- 
turn, which was accepted by the ill-behaved, thriftless or 
weak-minded portion, at once relieving the infant colony 
of the incubus of misrule and waste, so depressing to 
all its interests. Thus happily freed from the drones and 
7 



50 THE COLONY RELIEVED OF ITS BURDEN. 

scum of their society, the colony, though greatly lessen- 
ed in numbers, yet really gained in strength, and now- 
consisted only of the honest and industrious, who were 
resolved to remain faithful to the great object. 

The author of the " Planters' Plea " indulges in reflec- 
tions appropriate to this stage of the history, when the 
location of the colony was about to be changed, and 
Cape Anne, the scene of the first act in the history of Mas- 
sachusetts, was about to be abandoned. " Experience," 
he saith, " hath taught us that in building houses the 
first stones of the foundation are buried underground and 
are not seen, so in planting colonies the first stocks em- 
ployed that way are consumed, although they serve for a 
foundation to the work." 

The abandonment of the colony by the " adventurers " 
in England, involved merely a withdrawal of any further 
pecuniary aid to the planters, and a relinquishment of 
such interests as they may have had in the charter. 
Whenever, by non-fulfilment of its conditions, that be- 
came void, the colonists w^ould still possess all the rights, 
assured by the common law to every Englishman. " Had 
they emigrated wath the consent of the state, but without 
a charter, they would have been fully entitled to enjoy 
their former immunities, as completely as they could ex- 
ercise them where they freely placed themselves." ^ The 
colonists were, from that date, free of any obligation or 
control of the adventurers. The trials, temptations, and 
hardships at Cape Anne, had purged the company of all 
but a brave and resolute few. With these faithful com- 
panions. Governor Conant, " as one inspired by some su- 
perior instinct," frustrated the " order for the dissolving 
of the company on land," and secured to it the honor of 

^ Chalmer's Political Annals, i. 141. 



DESIGNED AS A REFUGE FROM RELIGIOUS OPPRESSION. 51 

being the first permanent colony on the soil of the Mas- 
sachusetts Company. 

Cape Anne had been chosen as the seat of the colony, 
for its supposed combination of facilities for both fishing 
and planting ; but Governor Conant, not finding it adapt- 
ed to the wants of a plantation, had in the meanwhile ^ 
inquired respecting, and perhaps visited, a more commo- 
dious place four or five leagues distant to the south-west, 
on the other side of a creek called Nahum-keike,^ or 
Naumkeag, better adapted to the purpose. 

Hubbard says that Conant, " secretly conceiving in his 
mind, that in following times (as hath since fallen out) it 
might prove a receptacle for such, as upon the account of 
religion, would be willing to begin a foreign plantation in 
this part of the world, he gave some intimation of it to 
his friends in England. Wherefore that Eeverend person, 
Mr. White, (under God, one of the chief founders of the 
Massachusetts colony in New England,) being grieved in 
his spirit that so good a work should be sufiered to fall to 
the ground by the adventurers thus abruptly breaking ofi", 
did write to Mr. Conant not so to desert the business, faith- 
fully promising that if himself,^ with three others, (whom 
he knew to be honest and prudent men, viz. John Wood- 
bery, John Balch, and Peter Palfreys, employed by the 
adventurers,) would stay at Naumkeag, and give timely 
notice thereof, he would provide a patent for them, and 
likewise send them whatever they should write for, either 
men or provision, or goods wherewith to trade with the 



1 Hubbard, 108. 

2 JVaumkeag retained its Indian name until about July, 1629, when it was called 
Salem. As this is the history of events prior to that period, the aboriginal title 
will be used. Rev. John Higginson's Letter. 

^ The whole negotiation contemplates Governor Conant's remaining at the bead 
of the colony. 



52 REMOVAL TO NAUMKEAG. THE COMPACT. 

Indians. Answer was returned that they would all stay 
on those terms,^ entreating that they might be encouraged 
accordingly." On the faith of this engagement, Governor 
Conant and his associates, in the fall of the year 1626, 
removed to Naumkeag, and there erected houses, cleared 
the forests, and prepared the ground for the cultivation of 
maize, tobacco,^ and the products congenial to the soil. 
In after years, one of the planters in his story of the first 
days of the colony, said, " when we settled, the Indians 
never then molested us, * * * but shewed themselves 
very glad of our company and came and planted by us, 
and often times came to us for shelter, saying they were 
afraid of their enemy Indians up in the country, and we 
did shelter them when they fled to us, and we had their 
free leave to build and plant where we have taken up 
lands." ^ The curious inquirer may be guided to the 
exact locality, the tongue of land which they first occu- 
pied at Salem. 

" Yet it seems," Hubbard continues, " before they re- 
ceived any return, according to their desires, the three 
last mentioned began to recoil, and repenting of their en- 
gagement to stay at Naumkeag, for fear of the Indians 
and other inconveniences, resolved rather to go all to 
Virginia ; especially because Mr. Lyford, their minister, 
upon a loving invitation, was thither bound. But Mr. 
Conant, though never so earnestly pressed to go along 
with them, peremptorily declared his mind to wait the 
providence of God in that place where now they were, 



* How far these terms were complied with, will appear presently. 

2 " Tobacco may there be planted, but not with that profit as in some other places; 
neither were it profitable there to follow it though the increase were equal, because 
fish is a better and richer commodity," to be l^ad in "grpat abundance." Wins- 
lowe's " Good Newes." 1624. 

3 Felfs Salem, i- 46, 78, 101. 



GOVERNOR CON ant's FIRMNESS AND FAITH. 53 

yea, though all the rest should forsake him : not doubt- 
ing, as he said, but if they departed, he should soon 
see more company." The other three, observing his con- 
fident resolution, at last concurred with him, and soon 
after sent John Woodbery to England, to procure neces- 
saries for a plantation. At this period, as Dr. Cotton 
Mather accurately observes, " the design for awhile al- 
most fell unto the ground." 

Mr. Hubbard's idea that Governor Conant was " as 
one inspired by some superior instinct," seems to be the 
only just view of his course at this crisis. " Like Abra- 
ham when he was called to go out into a place, which he 
should after receive for an inheritance," so " he sojourned 
in the land of promise, in a strange country." He seems 
to have felt that it was God's own plantation.^ With the 
eye of faith he saw that the " little one should become a 
thousand, and the small one a strong nation, and that the 
Lord would hasten it in his time," when he so " peremp- 
torily declared his mind to wait the providence of God in 
that place where they now were, yea, though all the rest 
should forsake him, not doubting but if they departed he 
should soon have more company." ^ 



^ *' It is the sinfullest thing in the world to forsake or desert a plantation once in 
forwardness." Bacon. 

2 He was worthy of the elegant compliment of Dr. Prideaux, of Exeter College, to 
Dr. John Conant, while a student at Oxford — his namesake, and kindred in char- 
acter as well as in blood, — " Conanti nihil DirnciLE." This eminent Divine was 
also of Devonshire, of an ancient family ; but probably not the one known to While, 
as in 1623 - 4, he was but a youth of sixteen years, under the care of his uncle, Rev. 
John Conant, who had a living at Lymington, in Somersetshire. Middleton's Biog. 
Evan. iv. 64 ; Biog. Diet. Lond. 17'J8, iii. 18G ; Noncomformist's Mem. i. 229. 



CHAPTEE VII. 

THE COLONY IN 1627 GOV. CONANT's CHARACTER AND SERVICES 

WOODBERy's mission to ENGLAND FINDS MEMBERS OF THE OLD 

DORCHESTER COMPANY A NEW COMPANY ORGANIZED A PATENT 

OBTAINED THOMAS DUDLEY, ESQ. AND HIS FRIENDS BECOME INTER- 
ESTED THE COMPANY HAD NO DEFINITE NAME HUMBLE BEGIN- 
NING OF THE STATE RECORDS WOODBERY's RETURN TO THE COL- 
ONY CHARACTER OF THE COMPANY IN ENGLAND — JOHN ENDECOTT 

ARRIVES AT SALEM AND SUPERSEDES CONANT NEW IMPULSE TO 

COLONIZATION. 

Such was Massachusetts in the year 1627 ; how hum- 
ble, of how little moment can be its failure or success ! 
Yet in the eye of history, beholding the vast results 
emanating from this mere speck on the stream of time, it 
is surrounded with a kind of moral grandeur, a sublimity, 
that never elevated thrones, nor pertained to conquests. 

Governor Conant, in his dignity, independence, recti- 
tude, and trust in God, here shadowed forth the character 
and future of New England as developed in and to her 
children ; and it is pleasant to know that he lived to see 
the hamlet expand into the most important colony ^ on 
the American coast. 

This was a sufficient, yet his only reward. In the 



1 The term "colonies" was retained in the Declaration of Independence, July 
4th, 1776, and in use until the " people of the United States'' estabHshed the Con- 
stitution. Massachusetts was called a " Province " in the charter of 1692. 



I 



CONANT's retrospect. WOODBERY, AGENT TO ENGLAND. 55 

pride of strength and prosperity, he who had laid the 
foundation of the state, and whose Christian faith and 
courage had saved it in the hour of peril, was left in 
neglect and obscurity. 

Nearly half a century later, the venerable man, in the 
evening of his life, thinking, perhaps, that posterity 
might award to him the justice withheld in his life time, 
drew up a memorial to the legislature, being, as he said, 
" one of the first, if not the very first, that resolved and 
made good any settlement, under God, in matter of plan- 
tation, with my family in this collony of the Massachu- 
setts bay, and have been instrumental both for founding 
and carrying on the same, and when in the infancy there- 
of it was in great hassard of being deserted^ I was a means, 
through grace assisting me, to stop the flight of those few 
that were heere with me, and that by my utter deniall to goe 
away with them, who would have gone either for England, 
or mostly for Virginia, but thereon stayed to the hassard of 
our lives'' 

After a residence in the country of about three years, 
Mr. Woodbery, being familiar with their condition and 
prospects, and possessing their confidence, was, as before- 
named, deputed as their agent to England, with the im- 
portant trust of perfecting the arrangements, on condition 
of which, the colony was removed^ to Naumkeag, as 
stated in the correspondence between Governor Conant 
and the Reverend John White. 

In the winter of the year 162^, Mr. "Woodbery de- 
parted on his mission, and, it will be inferred, on his 

^ I infer from Hubbard's account that Conant, having " made some inquiries " 
about Naumkeak, proposed, on certain conditions named in the letter, " to his 
friends in England," to remove thither ; that in anticipation of their acceptance, he 
did remove, and while there received White's letter, agreeing to the pi-oposal : so 
that the conditions were precedent to the removal. Hubbard's Hist, of N. E. 107, 
lOd. 



56 PROCEEDINGS IN ^ENGLAND. THOMAS DUDLEY. 

arrival in England, at once sought out Mr. White, and 
disclosed to him the object of his visit. 

They exerted themselves diligently in behalf of the 
colonists to supply their present necessities, and to pro- 
cure a patent for the territory, additions to their numbers, 
and whatever pertained to the permanence of a colony 
on the wild shores of the New World. It was found 
that some members of the Dorchester Company " still 
continued their desire to set forward the plantation of a 
colony there,^ conceiving that if some more cattle were 
sent over to those few men left behind, they might not 
only be the means of the comfortable subsisting of such 
as were already in the country, but of inviting some 
other of their friends and acquaintances to come over 
to them, and adventured to send over twelve kine and 
bulls more ; and conferring casually with some gentle- 
men of London, moved them to add unto them as 
many more." 

Among these gentlemen, were Sir Henry Eos well 
and Sir John Young, Thomas Southcoat, John Hum- 
phrey — whom we knew as treasurer of the old Dorchester 
company — John Endecott and Simon Whetcomb, " who 
presenting the names of honest and religious men, easily 
obtained their first desires " of the council for New Eng- 
land, who granted them about the end of the parliament 
of the iii*^ of Charles Eirst, on the nineteenth of March, 
162^, "a patent of some lands in the Massachusetts 
Bay." 

About a year previous, Thomas Dudley, Esquire, and 
some of his friends " being together,^ in Lincolnshire, 



1 Planters' Plea. 

2 " About the year 1627." — Dudley's Letter. Hubbard states this " not long 
after" the Council'^ grant, which would be in the year 1G28. Dudley is the best 
authority. 



"THE NEW ENGLAND COMPANY." A NEW CHARTER. 57 

fell into some discourse about New England, and the 
planting of the gospel there." They corresponded with 
gentlemen in London, and members of the Dorchester 
Company ; after some negotiation, these parties combined 
their interests, and purchased all the Dorchester interests 
and improvements in New England, including their pa- 
tent from the council. Whether that instrument desig- 
nated the grantees by any special name or title is 
unknown ; ^ they styled themselves in official documents, 
" The New England Company." Cape Anne was includ- 
ed in this grant which superseded the patent from Lord 
Sheffeild, that being void and " useless," ^ by non-fulfil- 
ment of its conditions, and the land abandoned as un- 
suitable to the design. These gentlemen adopted efficient 
measures to strengthen the first settlement at Naumkeag, 
and to establish another at Massachusetts, distant about 
fifteen miles to the south-west. They purchased large 
stores of apparel, provisions and arms. In a memoran- 
dum of what they were " to provide to send for New 
England," were mentioned, first "ministers," then the 
" patent under seal, men skillful in making of pitch, of 
salt, vine planters," culinary utensils, and seeds of a 
variety of grains, fruits and vegetables. 



1 Previous to the fourth of March, 1629» they had no uniform designation. "The 
Company of Adventurers for New England in America," " The Adventurers for 
Plantacon intended att Massachusetts Bay in New England," " The Company in 
New England," " The New England Company," and other appellations were used. 
If regard be had to names rather than facts, it may safely be questioned whether 
the colonial records, prior to the fourth of March, 162| , should be called the "Mas- 
sachusetts Records ; " but this would be frivolous. Under all these phases and 
names, we trace the history of one and the same colony, which in and after the 
sixth year of its settlement, and by its second charter, was designated "Massa- 
chusetts." The oath of Gov. Endecott was to maintain " the government and 
company," etc. ; that of his council to maintain " the CommonuieaUh and Corpo- 
racon of the Governor and Company," etc. Felt, i. 514, 515. 

2 Hubbard, 110. 

8 



58 MASSACHUSETTS RECORD. WOODBERY's RETURN. 

Such was the commencement of the records of the 
State. They were begun by a few " honest and religious 
men," meeting in an humble dwelling, in an obscure 
street in London, to devise means of assistance to the 
colony — the handfull of " planters " on the shore of 
New England ; the next entries on its pages were of the 
doings in the cabin of an emigrant ship, at anchor in 
Massachusetts Bay, or in the solitary dwelling on the 
neighboring shore of Mishawam.^ 

Two hundred and twenty-five years afterward, by order 
of their legal successors, — the legislature of Massachusetts, 
— assembled in Boston, the metropolis of New England, 
they were published as the earliest extant ^ parliamentary 
records of the Commonwealth ; a , fitting tribute to the 
memory of her founders. The contrasts at these two 
periods of time, furnish a theme for the study of her sons, 
full of instruction. 

Mr. Woodbery left England in the next spring, with 
his son Humphry, a youth of about twenty years of age, 
and arrived at Naumkeag in the following June, with the 
cheering intelligence of the new company and prepara- 
tions in England. During his absence of about six 
months, the colonists, who still called themselves the 
" servants of the Dorchester Company," had made im- 
provements at Naumkeag, and prepared the way for those 
who might join them. 



^ Charlestown. 

2 It is equally probable that of both Conant's and Endecott's proceedings some 
minutes or written records were kept, for the use of the companies in England ; 
neither are preserved, though the latter afe known to have existed. So small a 
number would require only a few regulations — the rudiments of government. It 
is certain that Conant and Endecott would use the authority they had ; the com- 
plaint of ill government at Cape Anne, and the difficulties with the Brownes at 
Naumkeag prove that they did, and '' Endecott's laws " are mentioned. Time ob- 
literates the foot-prints, jet we know the intermediate steps were taken. 



ENDECOTT's arrival. THE DORCHESTER COMPANY. 59 

The company in England included men of rank and 
wealth, and its affairs were conducted with an energy, 
strength and harmony in marked contrast with those of 
the council of Plymouth, whose leaders were dishearten- 
ed, and whose authority was weakened by the difficulties 
already referred to. They commissioned Captain John 
Endecott " to carry on the plantation of the Dorchester 
agents at Naumkeag, or Salem, and make way for the 
settling of another colony in the Massachusetts." On 
the twentieth of June, 1628, with his wife and a few 
planters. Captain Endecott sailed from Weymouth, in 
the ship Abigail, of which Henry Gauden was master, 
bound for Naumkeag,^ where he arrived on the sixth 
of September, at about the close of the first lustre of 
the colonial history, and about two years and a half 
after the removal from Cape Anne. 

More than half a century afterwards, one of Ende- 
cott's fellow passengers, Hichard Brackenbury, related, 
from memory, many interesting particulars of these 
early days of the colony, some of which he had from 
the lips of the old planters themselves, who declared 
to their new associates that, " they came over upon 
the account of a company in England, called by us," 
Brackenbury said, "by the name of the Dorchester 
Company, or Dorchester merchants," for whom they 
had built many houses at Naumkeag and Cape Anne. 
He added, that having waited upon Mr. Endecott, in 
his attendance upon the company of the Massachusetts 
patentees, when they kept their court in Cornewell 
street in London, he understood that this company of 



' Neal, upon a careful examination, says they arrived at the place which Mr. 
Conant and the Dorchester agents had marked out for them ; it was called by the 
natives Neumheak^ but the new planters called it Salpm. Hist, of N. E , i. 126. 



60 COLONIAL PROSPERITY. CONANT SUPERSEDED. 

London had bought^ out the right of the Dorchester 
merchants^ in New England, and "that Mr. Endecott 
had power to take possession of their right in New 
England, which Mr. Endecott did ! " Brackenbury was 
an eye-witness to this, and, without doubt, he suited 
the word to the action. 

About the same year they took possession of the land 
on the shore north of Salem, then " commonly called 
the Cape Anne ferry," or side now Beverly, by dividing it 
into lots for cultivation, and by cutting thatch for their 
houses. 

Governor Conant was of course superseded ^ by Gover- 
nor Endecott, who, as the representative of the company, 
assumed the control of the territory and improvements 
made by the first planters during the five years they had 
occupied it. The new ofiicial reported to England so 
favorably, that there was soon no want of volunteers for 
New England, and in reply he received letters adapted to 
put new life into the colony. 



^ Hubbard's " Present State of New England," London, 1677, p. 4, says •* pur- 
chased." Hubbard's Hist, of N. E. 109; Archselogia Americana, vol. iii. p. 53 ; 
opinion of S. F, Haven, Esq. 

2 Members of the old Dorchester Company were parties to the next enterprise. 
John Humphries, treasurer of the Dorchester Company, was a member of the second 
organization. Sir Henry Roswell and his five associates were residents of Dorches- 
ter or its vicinity. 

3 There is no reason to doubt that Conant continued in authority at the head of 
the colony, until Endecott arrived ; this is generally conceded, nor do I find an ex- 
ception to this opinion. Felt's Salem, i. 43 j N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. ii. 238 ; Sav- 
age's Winthrop, 1853, ii. 200, n. 2. 



CHAPTER VIII. 

REASONS FOR OBTAINING THE KING'S AFFIRMATION OF THE PATENT 

DISTINCTION BETWEEN THE COMPANY IN ENGLAND AND THE 

COLONY CRADOCK NOT GOVERNOR OF THE COLONY CHARTER 

SENT TO ENDECOTT UNION OF THE OLD AND NEW PLANTERS 

NAMES OF THE PIONEERS DISPUTES BETWEEN THE OLD AND NEW 

COLONISTS DANGERS OF THE COLONY i— OLDHAM's INTRIGUES 

gorges' conflicting patent GOVERNOR CONANT RESTORES PEACE 

INJUSTICE TO CONANT AND HIS ASSOCIATES ALLEVIATING CON- 
SIDERATIONS CHARACTERS OF CONANT AND ENDECOTT COMPANY'S 

VINDICATION HARDSHIPS OF THE OLD PLANTERS. 

The authority of the council for New England had 
become so questionable, that after Endecott's departure, 
the company obtained the royal confirmation of the 
council's grant by letters patent, under the broad seal of 
England, issued on the fourth of March, in the year 
1621, and in that the colony was first legally designated 
as " of the Massachusetts Bay." Before that time, Ende- 
cott may or may not have exceeded ^ the authority incident 

* As already shown, the council for New England had ample powers of govern- 
ment ; it has been generally and confidently asserted that they passed only title 
to land, in the grant of 1627, but this is erroneous, for, as appears by recital of 
some of its provisions in subsequent charters, it conveyed not only the title, but 
also the right of " planting, ruling, ordering and governing " in the territory con- 
veyed, so that the king only confirmed the act of the council. Perhaps the enfeebled 
condition of the council rendered any special exercise of authority inexpedient until 
ratified by the king. Hutchinson says that *' the patent from the council of Ply- 
mouth gave no powers of government," but as that patent is not preserved, Hutch- 
inson's assertion amounts to only an inference which the above authorities prove 



62 ENDECOTT 1"^ GOVERNOR UNDER 2*^ CHARTER. 

to the ownership of the soil, but he was continued in 
office, and enjoys the distinction of being the^ first Gov- 
ernor in the colony under this the second or Massachu- 
setts charter. 

The pecuniary interests were managed by the corpora- 
tion in England, of which Matthew Cradock was the first 
Governor. Of him Mr. Savage- says, "he was long 
honored in our annual registers as first Governor of the 
colony ; yet, as he was in fact only the head of a com- 
mercial company in England, not ruler of the people, his 
services are adequately acknowledged without retaining 
his name in that most respectable list." ^ 

The terms of the charter provide for a " duplicate or 
exemplification " of the instrument, both to be of equal 
authority. One was sent to Endecott and is preserved at 
Salem, where civil government was first exercised under 
its warrant, and the other, brought over by Winthrop a 
year afterwards, is in the Capitol. It was designed to 
grant the same immunities that had been given originally 
to the council for New England,"* and which were secured 
to the Plymouth colonists, and the " Dorchester Com- 
pany " under them, by the previous Cape Anne charter. 

Upon Endecott's arrival, his own men being united 
" with those which were formerly planted in the country 
into one body, they made up in all not much above fifty or 



to be incorrect. Hist, of Mass. 1795, i. 16, 17; Washburn's Judicial History of 
Massachusetts, 10. 

1 Savage, in Winthrop, 1853, vol. i. p. 30, note 1, says that Endecott's ** commis- 
sion from the Company to act as Governor, was, of course, superseded by the ar- 
rival of Winthrop with the charter,"' tiius recogtiizing his precedence; but by 
the provisions of the charter itself, the one sent to Endecott was of equal authority 
and dignity with that brought by Winthrop a year afterwards. 

2 Winthrop, 1853, vol. i. p. 2, note 2. 

' The Massachusetts Register for 1853, has an accurate table of the Governors, 
except omitting Roger Conant at its head, prepared by N. B. ShurtlefF, M. D. 
4 Chalmer's Political Annals, i. 139, 147. 



THE PIONEERS OF MASSACHUSETTS. 63 

sixty persons." ^ There soon arose a controversy, exciting 
great animosity between the old Dorchester planters and 
their new agent, Mr. Endecott, and his company, and 
with good reason. 

They had acquired possession of the country, and sub- 
dued it to their wants by years of toil, privation, and 
hazard of life, under the guidance of their honored and 
beloved Conant, who was now summoned to surrender 
the fruits of their labors, that others might reap where 
they had sown. Let us do honor to this noble band of 
pioneers. Verily, they were the Fathers of Massachu- 
setts, and their names ^ deserve an honorable place in her 
chronicles. 

Roger Conant, Governor. 
William Allen, John Balch, 

Thomas Gray, Walter Knight, 

Richard Norman, Richard Norman, Jr., 

Peter Palfray, John Tylly, 

John Woodbery. 

Several circumstances rendered this a peculiarly critical 
period, which a mercenary man could have turned to his 
own advantage. As early as the fall of the year 1622, 
the Council for New England, " for and in respect of the 

* Mr. Felt, who is good authority, says that in 1626, after Lyford left Salem for 
Virginia, there " probably remained 30 souls of all ages." Coll. Amer. Stat. Ass. 
i. 138 ; Hist. Salem, 43, 75 - 80. The names of some of them may be found in 
Drake's History of Boston, p. 57. Josselyn found "not above twenty or thirty 
houses " in Boston, as late as 1638. 

2 This list is gathered from vol. i. 167-176, History of Salem by Mr. Felt, whose 
diligence has rescued from oblivion probably all the names of that company which 
can be discovered ; perhaps one third or one quarter part of the whole. Calvert, 
Lord Baltimore's Colony in Newfoundland, in August, 1622, numbered only thirty- 
two persons; the colony at Sagadahock, in 1607, consisted of forty-five persons; the 
Virginia Colony was reduced to sixty persons in 1610. Plymouth Colony numbered 
but fifty people in 1621. Sir Richard Grenville left at Roanoke, in 1586, oxi]y fifteen 
men. Bartholomew Gosnold, in his New England expedition of 1602, took out only 
twelve to " remayne there for population." 



64 THE CRISIS. GOV. CONANT's INTEGRITY AND PRUDENCE. 

good and special service done by Sir Ferdinando Gorges, 
Knight, to the plantation from the first attempt thereof" 
unto that time, and for £160 sterling paid by his son 
Robert, had issued to the latter a patent of the land 
" knowne by the name of Messachustack," on the north 
side of the bay, " knowne by the name of Messachuset," 
and bounded on the coast by a direct line of ten English 
miles to the north-east, and extending thirty miles into 
the main land.^ Gorges had attempted to establish a 
colony within the bounds of his patent, which he had 
taken possession of in person, but was unsuccessful. 
Probably some of the members of that plantation had 
joined that at Naumkeag. At this juncture, John Old- 
ham, whose character has been revealed to the reader,^ 
held the Gorges patent which was included in and con- 
flicted with the company's title. He could readily gain 
from among the disaffected, adherents to his own in- 
terests. The company in England were fearful that he 
would " be ready to draw a party to himself there," and 
wrote to Endecott " you may use the best means you can 
to settle an agreement with the old planters, so as they 
may not hearken to Mr. Oldham's dangerous, though 
vain propositions to form a settlement in Massachusetts.'* 

Hubbard says that the troubles were " quietly com- 
posed by the prudent moderation of Mr. Conant, agent 
before for the Dorchester merchants ; that so meum and 
tuum^ that divide the world, should not disturb the peace 
of good Christians, that came so far to provide a place 
where to live together in Christian amity and concord."^ 

Governor Conant had before given distinguished evi- 

1 Gorges' Description of N. E. 34, 37. 

2 Pages 24-27. 

3 Hubbard seems to have understood that the new and old company were the 
same ; this is true, sub modo : the Dorchester interests constituted an important 
portion of the new organization.. Hist, of N. E. 108, 109. 



GOVERNOR CONANT AND THE NEW COMPANY. 65 

dence of his peculiar qualification for his office, in allay- 
ing the difficulty at Cape Anne, and in his success in 
saving the colony from utter ruin in the removal to 
Salem ; but here he developed his character in a nobler 
view than ever before ; exhibiting a public virtue rarely 
equalled, solicitous for the welfare of the colony alone, 
and concealing his own sense of ingratitude and injustice, 
he subdued the resentment of his associates, and by his 
personal influence restored peace and safety.^ 

The conditions on which he had agreed to remain were 
" a patent for them, likewise whatever they should write 
for, either men or provisions or goods wherewith to trade 
with the Indians." 

Evidently it was understood between Mr. White and 
Governor Conant and his associates, that he should con- 
tinue to superintend the colony, and that the additional 
planters and facilities from England were to be under his 
authority ; this opinion is confirmed by the general spirit 
and tenor of the Company's proceedings with the old 
planters, and explains their manifest anxiety regarding 
them. Conant was notified of his summary removal from 
authority by his successor Endecott, probably with honest 
characteristic brevity rather than with any unusual degree 
of suavity and delicacy. 

Though the rapid development of the scheme for a re- 
ligious colony in New England must have far exceeded 
Mr. White's anticipations, and the sudden accession of 

^ The superior condition of the persons who came over with the new charter cast 
a shade upon Conant, and he afterwards lived and died in comparative obscurity. 
He retained a conviction of the great injustice done to him, even in his old age, and 
he could not refrain from reference to the neglect and ingratitude of " those in this 
soe famous a colony" who had " obtained much without hassard of life, or prefer- 
ring the public good before their own interest, which " said he. with noble pride, 
*' I praise God I have done." Felt's Memoir of Conant in N. E. Hist. Gen. Reg. 
1848 ; Hutchinson's Mass. 1795, i. U. 
9 



66 CHARACTERS OF CON ANT AND ENDECOTT. 

influence and wealth, created new interests, beyond his 
control, and perhaps not bound by his personal agree- 
ment with the planters, yet this could not soften the dis- 
appointment and chagrin of Governor Conant and his 
associates at the manifest injustice done to them. 

Beside strict integrity, there was little common to the 
characters of Conant and Endecott. Each was peculiarly 
fitted for the duties and periods assigned to him, and had 
the order been reversed, the result would have been fatal. 

Conant was moderate in his views, tolerant, mild and 
conciliatory, quiet and unobtrusive, ingenuous and unam- 
bitious, preferring the public good to his private interests ; 
with the passive virtues he combined great moral courage 
and an indomitable will ; avoiding difficulty at Plymouth, 
and without losing their esteem, he quietly withdrew to 
Nantasket ; he was a minister of peace at the time of 
Hewes' reprisal ; he inspired the planters with resolution 
to remove to Naumkeag, and his integrity of purpose pre- 
vented the utter dissolution of the colony there ; he was 
the pacificator in the difficulties between the old and new 
planters on Endecott's arrival, and then retired with noble, 
Christian resignation to the privacy and industry of the 
humblest planter. Governor Conant' s true courage and 
simplicity of heart and strength of principle eminently 
qualified him for the conflicts of those rude days of peril, 
deprivation and trial. He was at the head of the forlorn 
hope ; he died victorious, but neglected, and neither 
monument nor tradition tells of the place where he rests.^ 

Endecott was the opposite of Conant ; arbitrary and 
sometimes violent, he ruled with a determined hand and 
carried the sword unsheathed ; quick to assert and ready 

» " longa 

Nocte, carent quia vate sacro." 

Hor. Ad Lollium. 



WRONGS OF THE OLD COLONISTS. 67 

to maintain his rights ; firm and unyielding, he con- 
fronted all obstacles with a vigorous resistance ; a man of 
theological asperity and bigoted, he was guarded against 
every insidious foe ; these were the elements necessary to 
the prosperity, and even the safety of the colony, from the 
time of Conant's retiracy, crushing insubordination and 
excluding every hostile element. He was chief magistrate 
of the colony for more years than any of his successors. 

As before said, the records bear evidence that the 
" adventurers " were not unconscious of the wrong done 
to the old colonists, perhaps, unavoidable in their judg- 
ment, from the necessities of the case. The company for 
their vindication, " as well to all the world as to the old 
planters themselves," offered them a share of the privi- 
leges under the royal charter, an admission to their soci- 
ety, and the enjoyment of not only those lands which they 
had cultivated, but such further proportion of land as the 
council of twelve, in which the old planters had the offer 
of two votes out of twelve, might think " fit for them or 
any of them." 

If under such conditions and such a fulfilment of the 
agreement, Conant and his associates are " desirous to 
live amongst us and conform themselves to good order 
and government," said those who had taken summary 
possession of the territory and of the improvements 
thereon, we will permit them to remain. The legal title 
was now in the new company, who, strong in wealth and 
influence, were decidedly aggressive in spirit, and the only 
alternative for these leaders in the forlorn hope, was dis- 
persion and an abandonment of the now ripening fruits 
of their labors. They submitted to the lesser evil ; but 
historic impartiality, upon a survey of the facts, will yield 
a verdict of exact justice, unvitiated by superior interests 
and prejudices. 



68 UNION OF THE OLD AND NEW COLONISTS. 

There was nothing to conciliate the old colonists, who 
viewed their new associates as intruders ; and though a 
political union was effected, the distinction of old and 
new was not soon forgotten. On the thirtieth day of 
June, 1629, at a general court convened by Governor En- 
decott, they were by common consent " all combyned to- 
gether into one body politique under the same governor," 
— a consummation of the labors of Conant and White, 
entitling them to our everlasting gratitude, and a loftier 
fame than New England has yet awarded them. 



CHAPTEE IX. 

KECAPITULATION — THE HISTORICAL IDENTITY OF THE COLONY SERIES 

OF GOVERNORS AND CHARTERS CHARACTER OF THE NEW ENGLAND 

COLONISTS THE FATHERS QUOTED NEW ENGLAND SETTLED BY 

FUGITIVES FROM OPPRESSION PRELACY DRIVEN FROM PLYMOUTH 

AND FROM SALEM ITS BANISHMENT NECESSARY TO THEIR SELF- 
PRESERVATION — VIEWS OF THE FOUNDERS OF NEW ENGLAND — 
TOLERATION NOT PROFESSED DANGER FROM POPERY THE PURI- 
TANS ESTABLISHED THE ENGLISH CONSTITUTION AND THE AMERICAN 
REPUBLIC. 

Among the late writers, Douglass has assigned to 
Conant's colony most accurately and distinctly its true 
relative position in history. He says, " Some adventur- 
ers proposed to make a settlement on the north side of 
Massachusetts Bay, Anno 1624 ; they began a small set- 
tlement at Cape Anne, the northern promontory of this 
bay, and are now (1749) become the most considerable 
British American settlement, and by way of eminence is 
commonly called New England." ^ 

Thus it appears that a society from the mother country 
was established at Cape Anne, in 1624, under a charter 
derived mediately from the king, through the council 
for New England, to Sheffeild the grantor, whose title 
and privileges were soon after ratified directly by the king 
in council; that this charter, so emanating from the 



70 THE HISTORICAL IDENTITY OF THE COLONY. 

throne, authorized the organization of a body politic, 
having laws, magistrates, and ministers ; that such officers 
were appointed, and entered upon their duties at Cape 
Anne, Roger Conant being Governor ; ^ that in the fall 
of the year 1626, the colony removed to the site of the 
present city of Salem; that in the year 1628, John En- 
decott, under authority of a new organization in England, 
whose name is not preserved, but which had obtained 
from the council of New England a charter superseding 
that of Cape Anne, from Lord ShefFeild, arrived at Salem, 
and abruptly assumed the government of the whole. The 
mutations of the companies in England do not affect the 
identity of the colony, nor the chronological order of the 
incidents in its civil history, which may be considered in- 
dependently of the authority under which they tran- 
spired, and merely with reference to its internal ^ history. 
In this view the reader will readily trace the series of 
Governors, or Rulers of the people, from Roger Conant 
to Endecott and Winthrop, down to the present day ; or 
referring to the charters, that Roger Conant was not only 
first in order of time, but the only Governor under the 

* Very different were the colonists of New England from those described in 
Dr. Donne's sermon before the Virginia Company, in 1622, already quoted. '• It 
shall redeeme many a wretch from the jawes of death, from the hands of the ex- 
ecutioner." *' It shall sweepe your streetes, and wash your doores from idle 
persons and the children of idle persons, and employ them ; and truly if ihe 
whole countrye were but such a Bridewell, to force idle persons to worke, it had a 
good use." " It is alreadie a spleene, to drayne the ill humors of the body ; " 
and August 18,1627, the Rev. Joseph Meade wrote to Sir Martin Stuteville, 
'' there are many ships now going to Virginia, and with them some fourteen or 
fifteen hundred children, which they have gathered up in divers places." •' The 
Court and Times of Charles the First.'' London, 1S48, i. 262. The royal charter 
of J 612 speaks of *' divers and sundry persons " that "have been sent thither 
as misdoers and offenders." Slith's Virginia, 166- 197. 

2 On this sound principle it is that Mr. Savage excluded Matthew Cradock 
from the list of Governors, he being "in fact only the head of a commercial com- 
pany in England, not ruler of the people,^' (Winthrop, 1853, i. 2^) thereby re- 
ducing the inquiry to one of simple fact, as stated ip the text. 



ENDECOTT DIRECTED TO STRENGTHEN THE OLD COLONY. 71 

first, or Cape Anne charter ; that under the second, or 
Massachusetts charter, John Endecott was first appointed, 
and then succeeded by John Winthrop, the third in order 
of time ; and that Sir Wm. Phips was the first Governor 
under the third, or Province charter, of 1692. 

The design of the second company, formed in the year 
1629 is stated by the fathers themselves. Governor 
Thomas Dudley in his letter to "the Lady Bridget, 
Countess of Lincoln," i one of the most precious docu- 
ments in New England history,^ says : " We sent Mr. 
John Endecott and some with him to beginne a planta- 
tion [in Massachusetts! and to strengthen such as hee 
should find there [at Naumkeag,] which we [were ]] 3 sent 
hither from Dorchester, and some places adjoyning," 
and this appears also in the letter of instructions to 
Endecott,* dated the seventeenth of April, 1629, wherein 
he is directed to " send forty or fifty persons to Massa- 
chusetts Bay, to inhabit there, and not to protract but to 
do it with all speed." ^ This explains, and is corroborated 
by, the concise statement in the " Planters' Plea," that it 
w^as " to erect a new colony upon the old foundation." 
Hubbard says it was " to carry on the plantation of the 



* Daughter of Sir William Fenys, Viscount Say and Seale> by his wife Elizabeth, 
daughter of John Temple of Stow : she married Theophilus, Baron Clinton, 4th 
Earl of Lincoln. 

2 Edited by John Farmer, Esq., in New Hamp. Hist. Coll. iv. 229 j also in Force's 
Hist. Tracts. 

3 I think that we is an error for werei^ because Dudley's letter shows that he was 
not connected with the enterprise till 1627, three years or more after the Dorchester 
people were sent out ; next he lived in Lincolnshire remote from Dorchester ; and 
lastly it avoids the evident anachronism, as it now stands. A parallel to this 
occurs in the Boston edition of Hugh Peter's "Last Legacy," 1717; by a misprint 
of he for we. Bishop Lake is represented to have had " the late king's gracious 
Patent, License and Encouragement " to plant in New England. 

4 Charles M. Endecott, Esq., of Salem, has printed a valuable memoir of his 
noble ancestor, the Governor. 

^ This was to anticipate Oldham's occupation under the Gorges charter. 



72 PRELACY EXCLUDED FROM NEW ENGLAND. 

Dorcliester agents at Naumkeag or Salem, and make way 
for the settling of another colony in the Massachusetts." 
These authorities show two distinct objects : to continue 
and strengthen the first colony at Salem, and to begin 
another ^ at the mouth of Charles Eiver, now Charlestown 
and Boston. 

The members of the Massachusetts Company suffered 
from the abuses or rather severities of the Episcopal 
authorities ; but they cherished the hope of a reforma- 
tion 2 in the church, and shrank from the absolute 
separation of the Independents or Pilgrims — a position 
held by thousands of the faithful and conscientious sons 
of the church, until the act of uniformity, in 1662, 
severed the bonds ; and from that date the Dissenters 
rapidly increased in numbers and influence. 

The attempt to introduce Prelacy into the Plymouth 
Colony almost immediately resulted in the practical 
question, whether the Pilgrims should banish or be 
banished by the intruders. This was the alternative. 
They sought, won, and defended an asylum for the 
enjoyment of their own faith. It has been well said that 
they sought " not religious freedom, but freedom to enjoy 
their own opinions." ^ This act of self-preservation led, 
as we have seen, to the establishment of the colony at 
Cape Anne, afterwards removed to Salem. There the 
same causes produced a like result, in the case of the 
banished Browns ; and thus Prelacy was excluded from 



^ Five days after his arrival at Salem, June 17, 1630, Gov. Winthrop entered in 
his journal, " we went to Massachusetts to fiad out a place for our setting downe." 
Savage's ed. 1853, i. 32. 

" *• They were rather desirous of reforming the Church of England than of 

separating from it," *' a measure which would have broken the strength 

of the Dissenters, as a body, to the eminent hazard of civil liberty." Sir James 
Mackintosh. 

3 Arnold's Discourse before the Rhode Island Hist. Soc, Jan. 7, 1853. 



THE BASTARD PAPACY IN ENGLAND. 73 

the very colony which it had planted and nourished — a 
joy to the Pilgrims. 

The autobiography of Sir Simon D'Ewes, as cotem- 
porary with these movements, exhibits the views of the 
Fathers of New England, respecting the tendency of 
public affairs in Old England. He says : 

" For men to call themselves Protestants, as Bishop 
Laud,^ Bishop Wren, and their wicked adherents, to 
swallow up the preferments of our church, to inveigh 
against Popery in word only, and in the main to project 
and plot the ruin of the truth and gospel, to maintain 
and publish the most gross and feculent errors of the 
Komish synagogue, to cause God's day to be profaned, 
his public service to be poisoned by idolatry and super- 
stition, his faithful and painful ministers to be censured, 
suspended, deprived, and exiled, they do no less impu- 
dently and furiously weaken and undermine the Gospel 
of truth, than if they were hired by the Pope himself, at 
great rates. 



55 2 



1 Yet Laud's memory is precious, for the evil whicli he did has been prolific of 
good. By his persecutions he "may be called the Father of New England." 
Douglass' Summary, i. 367 ; Neal's N. E. 191, 192. He is credited with the good 
service of reclaiming from the Romish Church, William Chillingworth, author of 
the great argument " The Religion of Protestants." His victims used to say 
** Great laud to the Lord — little Laud to the Devil ! " 

•' Did not the deeds of England's primate 
First drive your fathers to this climate, 
Whom jails and fines and every ill 
Forced to their good against their will ? 
Ye owe to their obliging temper 
The peopling your new fangled empire. 
While every British act and canon 
Stood forth your causa sine qua non.^* 

M'Fingal, Canto ii. 
Milton's "Reformation in England" best exhibits the facts and principles 
leading to the settlement of New England. 

^ " The sour crudities of yesterday's Popery, those constitutions of Edward VI." 
being established in Elizabeth's reign: "from that time followed nothing but im- 
10 



74 TOLERATION WOULD HAVE BEEN FATAL. 

The Puritan founders of New England did not ^ pro- 
fess toleration; it would have been suicidal. Neither 
justice nor equity required that they should receive or 
retain any who were inimical to their adopted insti- 
tutions; they well understood the truth, a few years 
afterward spoken by John Pym,^ in his great speech in 



prisonments, troubles, disgraces on all those that found fault "with the decrees of 
the convention, and straight were branded with the name of Puritans.^' Milton's 
Prose Works, 1641, Bohn's ed. ii. 410, 374, 26. At the Hampton Court Confer- 
ence, Thursday, 12 Jan. 1603, James said of the Puritans, " I shall make them 
conform themselves, or I will harry them out of this land, or do worse," of which 
Bancroft, the High Church Bishop of London, declared that he "was fully per- 
suaded that his majesty spoke by the instinct of the spirit of God! " This " finished 
specimen of all that a king ought not to be " compelled a union of the State and 
Church Puritans, which party thenceforth included all who opposed the king, and 
even Abbott, the Archbishop of Canterbury, was reckoned among them, because he 
did not approve the Coiirt maxims of the king's unlimited power." Rapin's Hist. 
of Eng. ii. fol. 176, 179, 214, 215, 222. 

1 Governor Thomas Dudley's lines may be quoted : 

" Let men of God in courts and churches watch 
O'er such as do a Toleration hatch ; 
Lest that ill egg bring forth a cockatrice, 
To poison all with heresy and vice. 
If men be left, and othei'wise combine, 
My epitaph 's I died no libertine! " 

Rev. John Cotton and Rev. John Norton were equally intolerant; but these men 
founded institutions whose strength is in freedom of opinion. Dr. Increase ]Mather, 
in his election sermon, May 23, 1677, " concerning the Danger of Apostacy," says, 
•'that which concerns the magistrate's power in matters of religion," "is now 
become a matter of scruple and distaste to some amongst us." Tlie third or Pro- 
vincial charter of 1692, which was procured by Mather', tolerated " all Christians, 
except Papists ; " and here Mather seems to have Milton's authority, "Whether 
Popery be tolerable or no? Popery is a double thing to deal with, and claims a 
two-fold power, ecclesiastical and political — both usurped, and the one supporting 
the other." In Holland, as early as 1573, " all restraint in matter of religion was 
as detestable as the Inquisition itself; " but even there they were compelled to acts 
of severity towards Popery, in consequence of her political machinations.' Broad- 
head's History of New York, 101, 103, 458, 559, 787. 

" I am not of opinion," said Milton, in 1641, " to think the church a vine in this 
respect, because, as they take it, she cannot subsist without clasping about the elm 
of worldly strength and felicity, as if the heavenly city could not support itself 
without the props and buttresses of secular authority." 

^ Foster's Statesmen of the Commonwealth, New Tork ed. 166. 



SELF-PRESERVATION REPELLED OLD WORLD POLITIES. 75 

Parliament, 1640, ''The principles of Poperie^' said lie, 
" are such as are incompatible with any other religion. 
There may be a suspension of violence for some time, by 
certain respects; but the ultimate end even of that 
moderation is, that they may with more advantage ex- 
tirpate that which is opposite to them. Lawes will not 
restrain them — oathes will not." 

The heavy darkness of the Eomish sway, which had 
been penetrated by the glimmerings of the dawning 
Reformation, seemed to be again fast gathering over 
England. The Christian and Patriot now rose to the 
death struggle for Eeligion and Liberty. While the 
conflict raged in England, not less arduous was the 
struggle for the possession of the New World in behalf 
of the Rights of Man. Our fathers, driven from home 
by oppression and cruelty, the legitimate off*spring of the 
Old World polities, with the instinct of self-preservation, 
repelled their intrusion ^ upon these western shores, amid 
whose wilds and solitudes they seemed instantly to feel 
the inspiration of the liberty which they sought. " The 
English Puritans, the chief of men, whom it is the paltry 
fashion of this day to decry, divided their vast inheritance 

^ Among the "General Considerations for the Plantation in New England" 
stands this: "First, It will be a service to the church of great consequence, to 
carry the gospell into those parts of the world, and to raise a bulwarke againste the 
Kingdom of Antichrist, which the Jesuits labor to rear up in all places of the 
world." Hutchinson's Collection, 27. 

Dr. Donne, Dean of St. Paul's, in a sermon to the " Honorable Company of the 
Virginian Plantation," Nov. 13, 1622, said, " The Papists are sorrie wee have this 
countrey, and surely twenty lectures in matter of controversie doe not so much vexe 
them, as one ship that goes and strengthens that plantation; neyther can I recom- 
mend it to you by any better rhetorique than their malice.'' 

In 1648, the Pv-ev. John Cotton, of Boston, said : " Some of the Jesuits at Lisbnrn, 
and others in the Western Islands, have professed to some of our merchants and 
mariners, they look at our plantations, (and at some of us by name,) as dangerous 
supplanters of the Catholic cause." "Way of Congregational Churches Cleared." 
London, 1648, p. 21, 22. 



76 RELIGIOUS AND CIVIL LIBERTY INSEPARABLE. 

between them in the reign of Charles I. One body 
remained at home, and established the English Consti- 
tution : one crossed the Atlantic, and founded the Ameri- 
can Republic — the two greatest achievements of modem 
times." 1 

• Distant by three thousand miles from Cathedral 
shades, and the terrors of Spiritual and Star Chamber 
powers, safe in the retirement of the forests of the New 
World, wary by experience, elevated and enlightened by 
the teachings of Christ, amid a combination of favorable 
circumstances never previously known in the experience 
of man, and which can never exist again. Freedom spon- 
taneously developed her institutions in their simplest and 
truest forms, and published to all the world the insepara- 
ble bonds of religious and civil liberty. Under these 
circumstances, and amid these influences, has been 
originated and developed the true polity for an enlight- 
ened and free people, containing within itself the recu- 
perative principle of life, and the germ of kindred 
institutions among all nations. 

' Edinburdi Review. 



APPENDIX 



I, 

Edmund, Lord Sheffeild — a prominent and Influential statesman 
or courtier of the times of Elizabeth, James, and Charles the First, 
seems to have retained the royal favor more successfully than did 
some of his cotemporaries. For this reason, perhaps, he occupies a 
less conspicuous position in history, than belongs to others whose mis- 
fortunes reflect lustre on their worth, and infamy on their sovereigns. 
He was born of noble lineage, about 1566, and was early introduced 
at Court ; for in 1582, he was one of those who, by command of 
Elizabeth, attended her suitor, the Duke of Anjou, to Antwerp. For 
his good service in the contest with the Armada, he was, three days 
after, on the 26th of July, 1583, knighted by his uncle. High Admiral 
Howard. After this he was for some years Governor of Briel, a forti- 
fied seaport in the Netherlands, famous in her history, which England 
held as security for loans in the war with Spain. Upon his return to 
England he mingled in the affairs of state, and his name is frequently 
associated with the Earl of Northampton. In 1612, they were both 
seeking a place in the royal council, and there was a " flocking of 
Parliament men " " in meetings and consultations with the Earl of 
Southampton and Lord Sheffeild, at Lord Rochester's chambers." 
About 1614, he obtained the presidency of the council of the north. 



78 APPENDIX. 

an institution created by Henry VIIT. at York, in 1537, after the 
troubles which broke out in the northern counties, in consequence of 
the suppression of the lesser monasteries, to administer justice and 
maintain order in these counties, independently of the courts at West- 
minster. The jurisdiction of the court, at first very limited, became 
more extended and arbitrary under James I. and Charles I. The 
office he held till January, 1618-19, when we find *' my Lord 
Scroop's patent is now drawing for the Presidentship of York. He is 
to make up the sum already tendered to my Lord Sheffeild, .£4500 ; 
and c£1500 is to be given elsewhere, by way of gratuity. My Lord 
Sheffeild, at the resigning up of his interest, had this further testimony 
of the King's favor, that at his request, his Majesty was content to 
knight every one of the Council at York, before not knighted, which 
were divers ; and thence accrues a further profit to his Lordship." 
During the next month he was appointed Vice Admiral of the fleet 
then fitting out, and on Tuesday, the 21st of this month, my Lord 
Sheffeild " married a fine young gentlewoman of some sixteen years 
of age. Sir William Irwin's daughter, and is (for the country's sake, 
I suppose) highly applauded by the King for his choice. And surely 
if it be true " Blessed is the wooing that is not long adoing," we must 
give him for a happy man, since less than three days concluded 
wooing, wedding, and bedding." 

He became connected with American affairs in 1609, being one of 
the patentees named in the charter of the Virginia company in that 
yQar, and was, in 1620, one of a committee, with the Earl of South- 
ampton, Sir Nicholas Tufton, and others, to propitiate the King's favor, 
and in the same year he appeared in the party against the King's 
favorite. Sir Thomas Smith ; but two years later, in 1622, he joined 
the King's party, and so continued till after 1625, when he was created 
by Charles I. Earl of Mulgrave. In April, 1628, when the Earl of 
Arundel, in parliament, resolutely declared his purpose to maintain 
popular liberty against the King's prerogative, Mulgrave sustained him. 
He was one of the twelve eminent peers, among whom were Warwick, 
Say and Seal, and Brook, all inclined to the popular party, who so- 
licited from Charles I. the convocation of the constitutional parliament 



APPENDIX. 79 

of 1640, which assumed the sovereign power. From his disaffection 
to the Virginia company, it is reasonable to suppose that he had con- 
siderable influence in procuring the patent to the Plymouth company, 
of which he was an original member, and under which he issued the 
patent of Cape Anne, thus rendering his name of permanent interest in 
New England. He died in 1646. A fac-simile of his signature, and 
his picture, are in Thane's Autography, vol. i. p. 17.i 

I Rapin's England, ii. 115, 136; Collier's Dictionary; Hazard, i. 118; Stith's 
Virginia, 180, 187, 220 ; Appendix, 16 ; Life and Times of. James I., i. 83, 180, 
176, 333, 471 ; ii. 120, 136, 137, 145, 146 ; Davies' Hist, of Holland, ii. 175; 
Guizot's Hist, of the English Rev. of 1640, Bogue's ed. 46, n. 1, 84 ; Purchas' 
Pilgrims, vi. 1900-1905. 



II. 

16 : 12'"^- : 1680. 



KiCHARD Brackenbtjry, of Bcuerly, in the County of Essex, in New 
England, aged eighty yeares, testifieth that he the said Richard came 
to New England with John Endecott, Esqr. late Gouernor in New 
England, deceased, and that we came ashore at the place now called 
Salem, the 6th of September, in the yeare of our Lord, 1628 : fifly- 
two yeares agoe : at Salem we found liueing, old Goodman Norman, 
& his sonn : William Allen & Walter Knight, and others, those owned 
that they came ouer vpon the acco^ of a company in England, caled 
by vs by the name of Dorchester Company or Dorchester marchants, 
they had sundry houses built at Salem, as Alsoe John Woodberye, M'- 
Conant, Peeter Palfery, John Balch & others, & they declared that 
they had an house built at Cape Ann for the dorchester company, & I 
haueing waited vpon M'- Endecott, when he atended the company of 



80 APPENDIX. 

the Massathusetts pattentees, when they kept theire court in Cornewell 
Street in London I vnderstood that this company of London haueing 
bought out the right of the Dorchester marchants in New Eng- 
land, and that M'- Endecott hat power to take possession of theire right 
in New England, which M'- Endecot did, & in perticuler of an house 
built at Cape Ann, which Walter Knight & the rest, said they built for 
Dorchester men : & soe I was sent with them to Cape Ann to pull 
downe the said house for M'- Endecott's vse, the which wee did, & 
the same yeare wee came ouer according to my best remembrance, it 
was that wee tooke a further possession, on the north side of Salem 
ferrye, comonly caled Cape an side, by cutting thach for our houses, ^ 
and soone after laid out lotts for tillage land on the s** Cape an side, & 
quickly after sundry houses were built on the said Cape an side, and I 
my selfe haue liued there, now for about 40 yeares & I with sundry 
others haue beene subdueing the wildernes & improuing the feilds & 
comons there, as a part of Salem, while wee belonged to it & since as 
inhabitants of Beuerly for these fifty yeares, & neuer y^ I heard of 
disturbed in our possession, either by the Indians or others saue in our 
late vnhappy warr, with the heathen, neither haue I heard by myselfe 
or any other inhabitants with vs, for the space of these fifty yeares, 
that M'- Mason or any by from or vnder him did take any possession or 
lay any claime to any lands heare saue now in his last claime within 
this yeare or two, : 

Richard Brackenbury made oath to the truth of the above writ- 
ten the 20th daye of January, JAio. before me, Bartholomew 
Gedney, Assistant In the Collony of Massathusetts.'^ 

» " The roofe ouer the hall, I couered with Deale boords, and the rest with such 
thatch as I found growing here about the Harbour, as sedge, flagges, and rushes, a 
farre better couering than boords, both for warmth and titeness." — Letter July 28, 
1622, from Edward Wynne, Got. of Lord Baltimore's Plantation at *' Ferryland,'' 
Newfoundland. 



APPENDIX. 81 



III. 



««16: 12'^°-= 1680. 
William Dixy, of Beuerly in New England, aged about 73 yeares, 
Testifieth that I came to New England & ariued in June 1629, at 
cape an, where wee found the signes of buildings & plantation work, 
& saw noe English people soe we sailed to the place now caled Salem, 
where we found M'- John Endecott, Governo' & sundry inhabitants 
besides : some of whom s"^ they had beene seruants to Dorchester com- 
pany : & had built at cape an sundry yeares before wee came ouer, 
when we came to dwell heare the Indians bid vs welcome & shewed 
themselues very glad that we came to dwell among them, and I vnder- 
stood they had kindly entertained the English y^ came hether before 
wee came, & the English & the Indians had a feild in comon fenced 
in together, & the Indians fled to shelter themselues, vnder the English 
oft times, Saying they were afraid of theire enemy Indians in the 
Gentry : In perticuler I remember somtime after, wee ariued, the 
Agawam Indians, complained to M'* Endecott that they weare afraid of 
other Indians, caled as I take it, tarrateens, Hugh Browne was sent 
with others in a boate to agawam for the Indians releife, & at other 
times wee gaue our neighbour Indians, protection from theire enemy 
Indians. 

Taken vpon oath this 16'^ February, 1680 : before me William 
Browne & Bartholomew Gedney, Assistants." 



IV. 

16 : 12'^°- •■ 1680. 



Humphry Woodberye, of Beuerly in New England, aged about 72 
yeares. Testifieth, that when I liued in Sumersetshire in England, I 
remember that my father, John Woodberye, (since deceased) did about 
11 



82 



APPENDIX. 



56 yeares agoe remooue for new England, & T then traueled with him 
as farr as Dorchester, and I vnderstood that my said father came to 
New England by order of a company caled, Dorchester Company, 
(among whom M'- White, of Dorchester in England, was an active in- 
strument,) & that my father & the company with him brought cattle & 
other things, to Cape Ann, for plantation work, & built an house & 
kept theire cattell, & sett up fishing, & afterwards some of them 
remoued, to a neck of land, since called Salem : After about 3 yeares 
absence, my said father returned to England, & made vs acquainted 
with what settlement they had made in New England, & that he was 
sent back by some that Intended to setle a plantation about 3 leagues 
west of Cape Ann, to further this designe, after about halfe a year's 
stay in Ingland, my father returned to new England &; brought me 
with him, wee ariued at the place now caled Salem, in or about the 
month of June 1628 : where wee found seuerall persons that said they 
were seruants to the Dorchester company, & had built another house 
for them at Salem besides that at cape Ann The latter end of that 
sumer, 1628 : John Endecott, Esq'' came ouer gouerno'' declaring his 
power, from a company of pattentees in or about London : and that 
they had bought the houses boates and seruants, which belonged to the 
Dorchester Company cSs that he s'' Endecott had power to receiue them, 
which accordingly he did take possession of: 

When wee setled the Indians neuer then molested vs in our im« 
prouemen" or sitting downe, either on Salem or Beuerly sides of the 
ferry, but shewed themselues very glad of our company, & came & 
planted by vs, & often times came to vs for shelter, saying they were 
afraid of their enemy Indians vp in the contry : & we did shelter them 
w" they fled to vs, & we had theire free leaue to build & plant where 
wee haue taken vp lands, the same yeare or the next after, wee came 
to Salem wee cutt hay for the cattell wee brought ouer, on that side of 
the ferry now caled Beuerly : & haue kept our possession there euer 
since, by cutting hay or thatch, or timber & boards & by laying out 
lotts for tillage, & then by peoples planting: & some time after, build- 
ino- and dwelling heere, where I with others haue liued about 40 
yeares : In all this time of nrjy being in New England I neuer heard 



APPENDIX. 83 

that M""' Mason, took possession heare, disbursted estate vpon or layd 
any claime, to this place of ours, saue the discourses of a claime 
within this yeare or two : 

The teslimoney within written is taken vpon oath this 16 : Feb- 
ruary, 1680 : before William Browne & Bartholomew Gedney, 
Assistants." 



V. 



** Gloucester, June 22d, 1854. 
J. WiNGATE Thornton, Esq. 

Dear Sir, ****** 

On the north-west side of the outer harbor of Gloucester is a tract of 
land, containing about one hundred acres, more or less, which, in our 
early town-records, is called ' ffisherman's field.' It is mentioned 
by that name in a grant to Rev. Richard Blynman, one of the company 
who made the permanent settlement here in 1642. Commencing at 
the westerly end of the beach, on the north side of the harbor, it 
extends in a southerly direction, and on its westerly side is skirted by 
the main road to Manchester, which separates it from a range of hills. 
On the sea-ward side it has two coves, one of which is very small, 
formed by the projection of a rocky bluff into the harbor. This bluff 
is called Stage Head, and tradition affirms that this is the place where 
the operations of the first fishing company at Cape Ann were carried 
on. A breastwork was raised on this spot in the revolutionary war, 
and Stage Fort has been its general appellation for many years. I 
have met with nothing to show that this place might have derived its 
name from its improvement for a fishing stage at any later period in 
the history of the town, than that now under consideration. One of the 
objects of the fishing company just mentioned, was to combine fishing 
and agricultural employments; and for the latter no spot more favor- 



84 



APPEND IX. 



able than * ffisherman's field ' could be found on our shores, as it is 
less rocky than any other tract of equal extent on the borders of the 
harbor. It was also convenient for their fishery. 

Many of the first settlers of Gloucester who resided at the harbor, 
received grants of land in ' ffisherman's field ; ' finding probably in 
its state of preparation for cultivation, a compensation for its incon- 
venient distance from their homes. It may be suggested that these 
grantors were fishermen, and that the spot derived its name from that 
circumstance ; in answer to which it may be said, that none of them 
are known to have been of that occupation, while it is certain that the 
chief employment of most of the early settlers here was upon the soil, 
and not upon the sea. The records authorize an inference that many 
of them were employed in the forest and the ship-yard. 

Current tradition, then, and the names applied to that locality, leave 
no room for doubt in my mind, that 'ffisherman's field' was the spot 
occupied by the English" at Cape Ann in 1624, and all who visit it may 
find an interesting subject of thought, in reflecting upon the care that 
nurtured and the heroism that defended the feeble germ there planted, 
through every stage of its growth to a vigorous and happy maturity. 

Yours, very truly, 

John J. Babson."